A Brief History of British 'Race' Politics and the Settlement of the Maisuria Family

FORUM ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 95 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALPESH MAISURIA
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 44-54
Author(s):  
Kahlia Brown

This essay will act as an analysis of the Indo-Afro racial politics of two west Indian countries: Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana. I will give the circumstances that led to the migration of large numbers of East Indians as indentured servants to Trinidad and Guyana, specifically. I will also explain how these conditions led to a distinct form of government and society. Through tables of electoral data in Trinidad, the racial voting patterns will be observed, and I will elaborate on how political parties do or do not pander to their respective racial communities. Finally, I will conclude by addressing how the racial divide in these two large Caribbean nations impact Caribbean regionalism on a larger scale.


2015 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sari Altschuler

Sari Altschuler “‘Picture it all, Darley’: Race Politics and the Media History of George Lippard’s The Quaker City” (pp. 65–101) This essay adresses two related questions. First, how did George Lippard’s The Quaker City develop from a multimedia story told through newspaper conventions, illustration, and two plays into the novel that appeared in May 1845? And second, how did Lippard’s white-seduction narrative come to pivot around the nightmare of an ambiguously raced Devil-Bug? Joining these questions of form and content, I argue that the media history of The Quaker City is inextricable from its history of race. In the wake of the almost riot around the mid-serialization of his Philadelphia play, Lippard moved away from fictionalizing current events toward the “grotesque-sublime” through a broader critique of Philadelphia less open to charges of libel. This shift took place through the transformation of Devil-Bug, a character Lippard rapidly developed in the middle installments until he was complex enough to carry the new story. Turning the once-black Devil-Bug into his protagonist, however, required character developments that necessarily complicated the story’s representation of race, a process that occurred concurrently with events related to the work that highlighted the systemic oppression of African Americans. In winter 1844, troubles with two stage productions and his illustrator highlighted the problems of representing race. After a several-month hiatus, Lippard published new installments vituperously condemning the representational limits of these nonprose forms and turned to prose to develop his antislavery position through Devil-Bug. As a result of these confluent developments, The Quaker City became an antislavery text through the process of opening Devil-Bug’s character up to its own hybridity and interiority.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-80
Author(s):  
Thomas D. Bunting

Drawing on recent literature on political spectatorship, I show how sport, and baseball in particular, can both illuminate and shape American politics. Following the history of racial segregation and immigrant assimilation in baseball, one sees that it mirrors American race politics on the whole. I argue that Jackie Robinson and the desegregation of baseball changed both American politics and the horizons within which citizens think. Although it is tempting to focus on this positive and emergent moment, I argue that for the most part, looking at the history of race in baseball shows instead coded language that reinforces racial stereotypes. This example of baseball and race shows how powerful spectatorship can be in the democratic world. Spectatorship need not be passive but can be an important sphere of activity in democratic life.


Race & Class ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cathy Bergin ◽  
Anita Rupprecht

The reinvigoration of forms of white supremacy in the US and Europe has sharply delineated the connections between occluded racialised pasts and contemporary race politics in ways which make reparative history an urgent concern. This article argues that contemporary struggles over the politics of memorialisation telegraph more than a debate over contested histories. They are also signs of how the liberal narrative of ‘trauma’ and healing no longer suffices as a way of marginalising the history of radical black agency. Building on the research by the Legacies of British Slave-ownership project, the article focuses on the incendiary year of 1831 and on a moment of collision – between black resistance and white entitlement. It situates a hitherto overlooked aborted slave uprising in Tortola, British Virgin Islands, within its multiple radical Caribbean, Atlantic and British contexts as a way of disrupting the distance between histories confined to ‘there’ and those confined to ‘here’. The article explores how the link between slavery and capitalism can be connected concretely to the black claim made on the nature of that emancipation as a way of further developing the concept of reparative history.


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-118
Author(s):  
Shaza Khan

To date, most of the literature on Muslims in the United States has discussedthe formation and growth of this population from a national perspective.Few studies, however, examine the dynamics of specific Muslim communitiesfrom a local, city-specific context. Mbaye Lo attempts to fill this gapthrough his research on the history of Muslims in Cleveland, Ohio, in hisbook Muslims in America: Race, Politics, and Community Building. Thisbook aims to present a “comprehensive historical assessment of Muslimcommunities in Cleveland” by providing a detailed examination of “theirhistory, their faith and the challenges they face as they establish mosques,develop Islamic centers, and create a multiethnic community” (p. 2). Using various sources of data, such as oral histories of influential figures in theCleveland area and local and national surveys conducted on Muslims in theUnited States, Lo discovers that “the history of Islam in Cleveland is a localphenomenon with both national and global derivations” (p. 3).American immigration policies, the civil rights movement, and newinterpretations of Islam are some of the factors that affected the growth ofMuslim populations throughout the nation and in Cleveland. Lo traces thegenesis of the Muslim community to Ahmadi missionaries who arrived inthe city from India in the early 1900s. Shortly after their arrival, Ahmadisfound great success in inviting African Americans to convert to Islam, creatingthe foundation for what was to become a burgeoning Muslim community.In the latter half of the twentieth century, the arrival of immigrantMuslims and members of the Nation of Islam to Cleveland helped the communityexpand, while also introducing new versions of Islam to the city’sresident Muslims. Ironically, this influx of Muslim outsiders to Clevelandresulted in both the growth and the division of its Muslim population ...


Author(s):  
Rob Christensen

Louisiana had the Longs, Virginia had the Byrds, Georgia had the Talmadges, and North Carolina had the Scotts. In this history of North Carolina’s most influential political family, Rob Christensen tells the story of the Scotts and how they dominated Tar Heel politics. Three generations of Scotts – W. Kerr Scott, Robert Scott, and Meg Scott Phipps – held statewide office. Despite stereotypes about rural white southerners, the Scotts led a populist and progressive movement strongly supported by rural North Carolinians – the so-called Branchhead Boys, the rural grassroots voters who lived at the heads of tributaries throughout the heat of North Carolina. Though the Scotts held power in various government positions in North Carolina for generations, they were instrumental in their own downfall. From Kerr Scott’s regression into reactionary race politics to Meg Scott Phipps’s corruption trial and subsequent prison sentence, the Scott family lost favor in their home state, their influence dimmed and their legacy in question. Weaving together interviews from dozens of political luminaries and deep archival research, Christensen offers an engaging and definitive historical account of not only the Scott family’s legacy but also how race and populism informed North Carolina politics during the twentieth century.


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