Teachers' Perceptions of National Identity in the English and Taiwanese Citizenship Curricula: Civic or Ethnic Nationalism?

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Cheng-Yu Hung
2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan Waddell

Thousands of overseas Korean adoptees return to Korea temporarily each year in search of their true origin, but few choose to stay permanently. A prominent member of this small community is Jane Jeong Trenka, author of two memoirs: The Language of Blood (2003) and Fugitive Visions: An Adoptee’s Return to Korea (2009). This article analyses Trenka’s literary struggle for permanence in Fugitive Visions through theories on Korean ethnic national identity. Using Marshall McLuhan’s idea of media as the ‘extension of man’, it explores the symbiotic relationship between literary media and identity, connecting colonial-era writings on Korean ethnic nationalism to Trenka’s portrayal of transnational return.


2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yolanda Covington-Ward

When most people think about the Belgian Congo and its path to independence on June 30, 1960, the figure that most frequently comes to mind is that of Patrice Lumumba and his strategy of uniting people across different ethnic groups. While Lumumba’s contributions have been well documented and recognized, this essay argues that the Kongo ethnic association–turned–political party, ABAKO (Association des BaKongo), and its leader Joseph Kasa-Vubu, were the driving force behind the independence movement in colonial Belgian Congo. ABAKO, however, used a completely different approach that successfully privileged ethnic nationalism, demonstrating that ideas of ethnic identity were often more important than a burgeoning national identity. Through the application of a performative analysis to three key events—the ABAKO countermanifesto of 1956; the Léopoldville rebellion of January, 1959; and the civil disobedience campaign advocating for an autonomous Kongo state in mid-1959—the author shows that members of ABAKO and its leadership effectively used performances of ethnic and territorial nationalism to greatly impact and lead the movement for Congolese independence.


Author(s):  
Mark Dimond

Jan Masaryk, the foreign minister of Czechoslovakia and son of the country's first president, pointed out just before his death in March 1948 that the gymnastics festival organised by the Sokol gymnastic movement was an opportunity for Czechoslovakia to show off its post-war socialist reforms that had ‘aroused considerable global interest’. The Sokol was not only a gymnastics organization; it was also an outlet for the expression of Czech national identity. Judging by Masaryk's comments, the Sokol appeared to be supportive of the Czech Weltanschauung of socialism that had emerged after the Red Army had liberated Czechoslovakia from Nazi rule in May 1945. This chapter argues that the Sokol had a split personality, one part based on socialist-thinking Jindřich Fügner's concept, the other on that of the nationalist-minded MiroslavTyrš. In addition to its pursuit of ethnic nationalism, this chapter examines the Sokol's ethnic policy, relationship with Slovakia, and support of the Communists.


Author(s):  
William Strnad

This paper is an examination of the many points of intersection between Korean nationalism in both Koreas, and Chinese characters (Hanja), as well as a contextualization of the historical and, at times, antithetical relationship or binary consisting of Hanja and Han’gŭl (Chosŏn’gŭl). Emerging from liberation the two Korean states over the next several decades would “engage” Hanja with diverse and fluctuating positions and approaches at different times. These responses have ranged from the abolition of Hanja or the enforcement of Han’gŭl (Chosŏn’gŭl) exclusivity, to the re-establishment and strengthening of Hanja education. Koreans for over a century have responded to “issues of script” based on socially-created narratives. This phenomenon can be viewed through constructivist paradigms, or can be interpreted as implemented pragmatic policies exemplifying instrumentalist nationalism. This paper’s assertion is that Korea’s vacillating response regarding Korean nationalism’s digraphic conflict is eloquent of the complex confluences that formed Korean ethnic nationalism, and therefore, Korean national identity.


Author(s):  
Stevo Đurašković

This article examines how the long-serving Croatian communist leader Vladimir Bakarić conceptualized the Croatian self-managing nation from a set of ideas that involved decentralization, the depoliticization of national identity, and the forging of a classless self-managing nation. As the centralism of the 1950s, originally envisioned to serve the progress of socialism, eventually brought about the gradual rise of inter-national antagonisms between republics in Yugoslavia, Bakarić assumed that empowering the authorities of the republics and the autonomous provinces should serve as the necessary precondition to prevent national identity from being the source of any potential future conflicts. Subsequently, Bakarić conceptualized decentralization as a means that would eventually lead to the depoliticization of national identity, which was necessary to unleash the building of a classless self-management society accompanied by the withering away of state. This article will show how Bakarić’s concept of the nation suffered from two serious shortcomings. The first one stemmed from the 1960 purge of socialist Yugoslavism of any notion of ethnicity, since any idea of Yugoslav ethnic identity had been linked to the Greater-Serbian legacy of the pre-war Yugoslav Royal Dictatorship. The second one stemmed from the fact that ethnic nationalism was latently maintained by the deployment of historical narratives of the communists as the heirs of the true national traditions and the best guardians of the national interest.


Author(s):  
Hamid Ahmadi

While it is true that Iran is composed of various religious-linguistic minority groups, making ethnicity an issue worth studying, Iran has specific features that differentiate it from other societies that have more recent experience in political heritage and the nation-state-building process. Bearing the characteristics of ancient nations, as some theorists of ethnicity and nationalism have elaborated, Iran represents a specific historical case in which the saliency of nationalism and an Iranian national identity is more remarkable than that of ethnicity and ethnic nationalism. The present study of Iranian Azeris and Iran-Azerbaijan Republic relations can shed more light on this fact. This chapter argues that Iranian Azeris have produced the most enduring and systematic response to the Azerbaijan Republic’s pan-Turkist irredentist and ethnic nationalist claims.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Rydgren

Abstract In this paper I discuss, critically, the literature on populism and the extent to which it applies to the contemporary radical right-wing parties in Europe. These parties are often – and increasingly – referred to as populist parties. I argue that it is misleading to label these parties ‘populist parties’, since populism is not the most pertinent feature of this party family. These parties are mainly defined by ethnic nationalism, and not a populist ideology. In their discourse they are primarily preoccupied with questions pertaining to national identity and national security – and their ‘negative’ doubles immigration, multiculturalism, Islamist threat – and they consistently pit ‘the people’ mainly against elites that they view as responsible for a cultural and political threat against their idealized image of their nation state. The ethnic nationalism of European radical right-wing parties is more important for their discourse and tends to influence the populist elements.


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