The Burden of the Past: Problems of a Modern Historiography of Physicians and Medicine in Nazi Germany

1987 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael H. Kater
Author(s):  
James McNaughton

This chapter works in two directions. First, it examines how Beckett’s artistic techniques reflect political aspiration. Beckett’s literalizing techniques—for instance, his making ironically literal, corporeal, and physical various rhetorics—partly reflect and engage a fear about political power: that authoritarian power aims to have the leader’s words enacted, something Beckett notes in Nazi Germany. Second, the chapter examines how Beckett has narrators perform the reverse: how they aim to preserve words and categories from denotations acquired by recent historical violence. In Malone Dies, the narrator seeks to contain connotations safely for aesthetic meanings that anesthetize the past. But Beckett has Malone fail. And this dynamic—where a narrator tries to neutralize violent history on the level of interpretation while sentences nevertheless have it resurface—expresses The Three Novels’ mistrust for aesthetic attempts to process trauma and dramatizes the complicity of art and language in covering up the past.


1985 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 7-10
Author(s):  
George Gömöri
Keyword(s):  
The Past ◽  

Official Soviet and Rumanian histories published in the last 20 years continue to misrepresent the past, especially the cooperation with Nazi Germany


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Alexander Klimo

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag beleuchtet die Rolle der Rentenversicherungspolitik des Reichsarbeitsministeriums im „Dritten Reich“. Auf der einen Seite stellt er dar, wie die Rentenversicherung herangezogen worden ist, um zusätzliche Arbeitskräfte für den Arbeitseinsatz zu gewinnen. Dabei wurde die Rentenversicherung durch die Gesetzgebung des Reichsarbeitsministeriums komplett auf die Anforderungen des nationalsozialistischen Arbeitseinsatzes ausgerichtet. Auf der anderen Seite beleuchtet er die Diskriminierung von jüdischen Versicherten und Rentnern. Die zuständigen Beamten des Reichsarbeitsministeriums und der Rentenversicherungsträger besaßen umfangreiche Freiräume, um die Ziele des Regimes zu verfolgen und zu unterstützen. Die nach dem Krieg verfolgten Rechtfertigungsstrategien und die mangelhafte Aufarbeitung der eigenen Rolle im „Dritten Reich“ hinderten hohe Beamte der Sozialversicherung nicht daran, ihre Karrieren in der Sozialverwaltung der Bundesrepublik fortzuführen. Abstract Anti-Jewish policy and its coming to terms with the past. The work of the social security department of the Reich Ministry of Labour in Nazi Germany The article examines the pension insurance policy of the Reich Ministry of Labour in Nazi Germany. On the one hand, it shows how the pension insurance has been used to generate additional workforces for the labour market. The pension insurance was completely aligned by the legislation of the Reich Ministry of Labour on the requirements of the National Socialist labour service. On the other hand, it highlights discrimination against Jewish insurants and pensioners. The responsible civil servants of the Reich Ministry of Labour and the pension insurance providers used their possibilities to pursue and support the goals of the Nazi regime. The justification strategies pursued after the war and the inadequate working up of one’s own role in Nazi Germany did not preventhigh civil servants from continuing their careers in the social administration of the Federal Republic of Germany.


1987 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry R. Posen

Two American debates on foreign policy and national security. The Reagan administration and those who share its ideology see today's Soviet Union as not much different from yesterday's, and yesterday's Soviet Union as not much different from Nazi Germany. Like its progenitors in the 1930s, the modern Soviet Union is a “totalitarian” state, and therefore by nature expansionist, armed to the teeth, disposed to violence, fond of diplomatic tests of political will, and—as a consequence of all these factors —hard to deter and harder to beat. A different view prevails among most of the arms control community, the NATO allies, and some American academics. In its foreign policy, the Soviet Union is seen as a fairly typical great power whose behavior in international politics can be explained by the mixture of fear, greed, and stupidity that has characterized most great powers in the past as they have tried to secure their borders and pursue their interests in a world without law. It does not like to take great risks, it fears war, and it is, at worst, opportunistically expansionist. In sharp contrast to Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union is more conservative than reckless; if anything, nuclear weapons have reinforced this conservatism.


Author(s):  
Marco Dräger ◽  

This paper examines the changing face of deserters in Germany and the gradual entry of monuments dedicated to them into German memorial culture. The multiple changes in the perception of the Wehrmacht (united armed forces of Nazi Germany from 1935-1945) deserters during the last 70 years from cowards and traitors to (anti-)heroes to victims is the result of generational shifts and changed political contexts. Deserters from the Wehrmacht were a taboo subject for a long time. Over the course of the past thirty years, their story has been reappraised. It now has a visual presence in the form of counter monuments which challenge notions of traditional heroic military virtues and the place of resistance in modern political German culture. Counter-monuments, which had their origins in Germany in the 1980s, were always intended to be provocative, for they sought to disrupt a discourse that had become anachronistic, even unbearable in the eyes of many. Whether they will continue to have a presence, whether further deserter monuments will be built, or whether a future retrospective evaluation will show these monuments to have been an ephemeral and singular phenomenon, is still uncertain.


Author(s):  
Johann Chapoutot

This introductory chapter examines the scope of the relationship between National Socialism and antiquity, a topic that historians appear to neglect despite the fact that there have been precedents as to the political use of history—appealing to the past to justify political power in the present—which is a frequent phenomenon, all the more so in totalitarian regimes that seek to anchor their revolutionary political intentions in the depths of historical precedent. The possibilities afforded by the past appear, moreover, to have held great significance for National Socialism. Nazi Germany had coveted and revered the past as a sacred place of origin.


Author(s):  
Hanna Meretoja

Chapter 5 problematizes the prevalent way of conceptualizing the relationship between fiction and history in terms of the actual and the possible. It argues that both fictional and autobiographical narratives have potential to cultivate one’s sense of history as a sense of the possible, and it examines four different aspects of their contribution to historical imagination. The chapter analyzes how Günter Grass’s Hundejahre (1963, Dog Years) and his autobiography Beim Häuten der Zwiebel (2006, Peeling the Onion) explore the historical world of Nazi Germany as a space of possibilities, how they self-reflexively examine—against idealist and determinist conceptions—the way history consists in concrete actions and inactions, how they unearth the ways narrative interpretations of the past shape one’s orientation to the present, and how they address the duty to remember—and to engage with the conditions of possibility of atrocity—through a future-oriented narrative ethics of implication.


Author(s):  
Tamás kovács

IN THE AUTUMN of 1939 in the wake of the Polish defeat at the hands of Nazi Germany and the USSR, the Hungarian political leadership decided to admit Polish military and civilian refugees, including a number of Jews, into the Kingdom of Hungary. Over the past seventy years a large number of studies and memoirs have been published on this subject in both Hungary and Poland. While they do not deny that many problems emerged as a result of this flight, a somewhat idealized picture has developed of Hungary during the Second World War as a ‘paradise for refugees’. According to this, not only Polish but also German, Austrian, French, British, and Italian Jews lived together peacefully side by side with the Hungarian people. In turn, the Hungarian public administration ‘took good care’ of them. This image needs to be significantly modified in the light of archival documents....


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