totalitarian regimes
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2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-392
Author(s):  
Łukasz Goździaszek

The aim of the article is to show the evolution of the requirements related to publishing the press and to define the directions of new legal changes. The current regulations are inadequate to the contemporary realities of the media market and communication possibilities. The obligation to register the press can be seen as a relaxed follow-up to the authoritarian or totalitarian regimes’ requirement to obtain a license to publish a journal or a periodical. Press registration would be a democratic alternative to obtaining a press license only if certain values supported it, including the interests of other persons and entities. Currently, such interests are secured by other regulations. The considerations of the courts and legal science focus on the possible contradiction of the current regulation on the registration of newspapers and magazines with the constitutional ban on licensing the press. However, it should be taken into account to a greater extent that the dissemination of the internet and computer hardware has made it more complicated to register a periodical than to start a simple press activity. Therefore, the obligation to register the press in its present form is unreasonable.


Politologija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 103 ◽  
pp. 8-40
Author(s):  
Laurynas Peluritis

The topic of this paper is the most important principles of the concept of integral democracy created by Stasys Šalkauskis, Antanas Maceina and other Lithuanian interwar and post-war exodus intellectuals. The genesis and development of the ideas of integral democracy in interwar Lithuania are analyzed, also the influence of the experiences of World War II, occupations, totalitarian regimes and living in exodus on this concept. The projects of integral democracy, organic state and non-worldview politics are reviewed in their historical and intellectual context of Lithuania and the Lithuanian diaspora in exodus, starting from the origins of the idea and the concept of the organic state, also the most important criticism of it. The second part of the paper reviews the most important assumptions and ideas that unite the whole project from the 1936 concept of the organic state to the 1954–1955 ideas of integral democracy. Finally, looking at the fundamental differences between the two concepts the essence and key features of the project of full democracy are highlighted.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 320-327
Author(s):  
Ionel Bușe ◽  

"My article concerns the analysis of the several “identities” of Johann Moritz (alias Anthony Quinn) in the film directed by Henri Verneuil, The Twenty-Fifth Hour (a French-Italian-Yugoslavian coproduction), produced by Carlo Ponti, and adapted after a book published by the exiled Romanian novelist Virgil Gheorghiu in Paris in 1949. Johann Moritz or the “man of Fontana” is the “man of La Mancha”, but unlike Cervantes’s mad knight who wants to rid the world of monsters, he is a pacifist dreamer, embodying the drama of identity dissolution, under the pressure of the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century."


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-132
Author(s):  
Snježana Šušnjara

Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the nine republics of Yugoslavia was always among the poorest republics in the former state. However, the school system, as it was the case in the totalitarian regimes, was under direct control of the state. The state had the power to influence school programs and to decide who could apply for school profession. After World War II, education became compulsory for all children and the state could have influenced easily all aspects of education. The state conception how to educate a new society and how to produce a common Yugoslav identity was in focus of the new ideology and those who did not agree with this concept were exposed to negative connotations and even to persecution. Human rights of an individual were openly proclaimed but not respected. Totalitarian societies commonly expect the system of education to operate as a main transformational force that will facilitate the creation of the new man in the social order they have proclaimed. After the split of the Soviet model of pedagogy (1945–1949), the changes occurred in education when the communists established a new regime with universal characteristics of the Yugoslavian education which differentiated among the republics in accordance with their own specificities. Bosnia and Herzegovina with its multi-ethnic nature occupied a special place inside the common state as a model that served as a creation of possible, multiethnic, socialist Yugoslavia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Zsuzsanna Polyák ◽  
Zoltán András Szabó ◽  
András Németh

Like all cultures, totalitarian regimes develop their own symbols and rituals. As such symbols, music and music making play an important role in expressing values, norms of the community, as well as in providing models for living in it (Geertz, 1973). They are especially valuable tools for educating children. This paper summarizes the result of a pilot study in the lyrics of choral pieces for children, that were distributed along with the state-published methodological journal, Énektanítás [Teaching Singing] and its continuation, Az ének-zene tanítása [Teaching Singing-Music] between 1958–1989. Using political religion (Gentile, 2006) as conceptual framework for content analysis, the study presents: 1) how different characteristics of the communist doctrine appeared in the lyrics of choral pieces and 2) how they changed over time, outlining the life-cycle of the regime itself from militant mass movements to giving place to expressions of individualism and alternative faiths until it would dissolve in the end.


Author(s):  
Evgeny Aleksandrovich Osipov

History taught in schools becomes increasingly important worldwide. School textbooks, standards and curricula on, which used to be just part of the learning process, turn into documents that are subject to extensive discussion. Leaning in the contemporary French scientific literature and speeches of the representatives of the French Ministry of National Education in a panel sessions of the Russian-French group on modernization of school curriculum on history (2018–2019) and at the World Congress of School History Teachers held in Moscow in October 2021, analysis is conducted on the curriculum on history for senior year students, that came into force on September 1, 2019. The new school curriculum is structured in such a way that the rivalry between totalitarian regimes in the 1930s, primarily between the Soviet Union and Germany, is the key factor of the outbreak of World War II, which unfortunately corresponds to modern political trends in Western countries, but contradicts the historical facts. It arises questions and draws excessive attention to the program of the protection of the rights of minorities, and the elements of gender theory overall. At the same time, heightened attention to the history of genocides in the XX century, coverage of the events of 1968 and 1989 in global scope as separate topics, and a multifaceted approach towards teaching history of the Cold War are the strong points of the new French school curriculum on history.


Author(s):  
Olena Antypova ◽  

The article highlights the reaction of Polish society and government to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. It is emphasized that the history of Poland and Hungary was closely intertwined in 1956 and reflected in the course of political events of that time. Poznan workers' uprising in June 1956 caused a great resonance in Hungary and the Hungarian authorities intended to use the events in Poznan as a pretext for resolving the political crisis in Hungary. Hungarian protesters, expressing solidarity with the Polish people and supporting change in Poland, demanded a "Hungarian path to socialism". The Hungarian revolution, which had a bloody and tragic character, had a lively response in Polish society. The activity of Polish information publications and the ways in which information about the Hungarian revolution reached Poland are described. It is emphasized that the speeches and publications of journalists had a significant impact on the attitude of Polish society to the Hungarian Revolution. The activity of the new Polish government in search of like-minded people and allies among the countries of "people's democracy" is analyzed. It is noted that the Polish leader V. Gomulka, proclaiming the "Polish road to socialism", took into account the analogies and similarities between the events and changes that took place in Poland and Hungary. The Polish authorities realised the catastrophe from which their country and the party, which managed to resolve the socio-political crisis in a bloodless way, escaped. Gomulka was convinced that only by resolving the Polish-Soviet problems it was possible to avoid a repeat of Poznan and Budapest. The process of providing humanitarian aid to Hungary by Poland is analyzed. It is noted that the greatest assistance to the Hungarians during the revolution was provided by Poland. The position of the radio station "Free Europe" and the editorial board of "Voice of Free Poland" is revealed. It is noted that the RWE editorial board felt responsible for the accuracy of the information provided, and deeply understood the impact of its broadcasts on the mood of Polish society. It is emphasized that the events of 1956 in Poland and Hungary marked the beginning of the collapse of pro-Soviet totalitarian regimes in Europe


2021 ◽  
pp. 151-169
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Khomenko ◽  
Bohdan Skopnenko

The history of cinema is one of those unique cultural phenomena, which constantly attracts the attention of researchers. This phenomenon, especially in the 20th century, determined not only the direction of aesthetic transformations of the cultural development but also had an impact on the formation of ideologies and the strengthening of political regimes. This topic is relevant because the methods of propaganda that were actively used by totalitarian regimes (including the Soviet totalitarian rule) are now actively used by the undemocratic Russian administration to achieve political goals. The construction of the “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist” image in Soviet cinema is of special interest in the context of Russia's “hybrid warfare” against Ukraine, which continues today. The instrumental technologies of ideological manipulation used in the creation of films have shown their effectiveness in shaping the worldview of the “new Soviet man”. Forms of this type of consciousness still continue to influence the political choices of many citizens of our state. The film “A Kyiv Citizen”, studied in the article, was created in 1958 by the Ukrainian Soviet film director T. Levchuk at the Kyiv O. Dovzhenko Studio. The film is a classic example of the ideologically biased film production. On the example of this film, we can observe technological principles and constructive models used by the Soviet regime to falsify the history of Ukraine in the 20th century, in particular the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. In the film “A Kyiv Citizen”, the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 were counterfeited in order to illustrate to the audience the Soviet version of the history of Ukraine and the events related to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. In such a way, the Soviet propaganda tried to form in the viewer a type of psychological perception of reality loyal to the “Soviet empire”. In particular, the facts related to the Bolsheviks' attempt to seize power in Kyiv in October 1917, the battles for the Arsenal plant in January 1918, and the conclusion of a peace treaty between the Ukrainian People's Republic and Germany were falsified.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-48
Author(s):  
Besmir Fidahić

International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) remains the most important organization for the past, the present, and the future of the former Yugoslavia. Faced with a country that always lived under totalitarian regimes with very little insight into actions of the groups and individuals who reaped unthinkable havoc on each other at the end of the twentieth century, the ICTY set undisputable historical record about events that took place during the 1991–1999 wars and put the country on an excellent track towards transformation for the better. But even 28 years since the establishment of the ICTY, the former Yugoslavia remains the hotbed of nationalism, ethnic divisions, genocide denial, and genocide justification. Court transcripts belong to the category of the permanent court record. The ICTY court transcripts have only been made in English and French, but not in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (B/C/S), the languages of the former Yugoslavia. This paper is going to examine the needs for the ICTY court transcripts in the B/C/S, could they have been made in the B/C/S from the very beginning of the institution and whether the existing ICTY court transcripts in the B/C/S are up to par for any of its audiences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-1) ◽  
pp. 103-115
Author(s):  
Anatoly Ablazhey ◽  

The article discusses the problems of the professional ethos of science genesis and its transformation in the context of modern realities. There is a brief description of the classical norms of the scientific ethos (universalism, communalism, disinterestedness and organized skepticism), formulated by R. Merton in the late 1930s and early 1940s, in response to the sharp exacerbation of the problem of science’s autonomy in the conditions of totalitarian regimes. The key idea of Merton is especially emphasized: compliance with the norms is aimed primarily at optimizing the process of scientific production and, thereby, the most effective solution to the main goal of science – the increasing of certified knowledge volume. The concept of the ethical imperatives of a scientific profession was almost immediately criticized for being ‘idealistic’ and ‘disconnected from real life’, and by the end of the 1960s it intensified many times over. You can find the examples of critical attitude to the concept of Merton, also we described the alternative versions of the norms of scientific ethos (in the interpretation of Mitroff and Fuller). It has been established that under the conditions of academic capitalism, which implies the incorporation of market culture into the system of scientific research, a negative deformation of classical norms occurs, in practice creating barriers to the production of knowledge and disrupting the practice of communication within the scientific community. The result of this deformation is the system of relationships between scientists, described by Ziman in the framework of the concept of ‘post-academic science’. Evidence is presented that the process of degradation of norms is further intensified in the conditions of cognitive capitalism and neoliberal science. Using the example of modern Russian science, the author shows that the result of such degradation is, for example, the exacerbation of the problem of plagiarism. Methods of counteracting such practice are briefly described using the example of modern Russian science, such as the creation of a Dissernet community or a special commission to counteract falsification of scientific research within the framework of the Russian Academy of Sciences. In a theoretical sense, in the context of the philosophy and sociology of science, the concept of ‘two ethics’ proposed by B. Pruzhinin, looks productive. B. Pruzhinin singles out the specific ethos of fundamental and applied science.


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