The Wilson Administration and Panama, 1913-1921

1966 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Baker
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Theodore Roosevelt ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Political Unrest ◽  
Pan American ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Irregular Force

“One of the chief objects of my administration,” Woodrow Wilson stated on March 11, 1913, after learning of political unrest in the Caribbean, “will be to cultivate the friendship and deserve the confidence of our sister republics of Central and South America, and to promote in every proper and honorable way the interests which are common to the peoples of the two continents.” Believing, however, that “cooperation is possible only when supported at every turn by the orderly processes of just government based upon law, not upon arbitrary or irregular force,” he wanted the Latin American nations to build their governments upon the same foundation of law and order as that of the United States. On the part of his own nation, he renounced, in his Mobile Address of October 27, 1913, the “Dollar Diplomacy” of his predecessors Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft, and proposed instead a Pan American Pact to provide mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity.

Ideals and Realities in the Wilson Administration’s Relations with Honduras

1964 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Baker
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
Theodore Roosevelt ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The World ◽  
Pan American ◽  
Pan Americanism

Unlike the Latin American policies of his predecessors, that of Woodrow Wilson was an unusual compound of ideals and realities. Wilson himself provided the first ingredient by repudiating the “Big Stick ”diplomacy of Theodore Roosevelt and the “Dollar Diplomacy ”of William Howard Taft and promising instead hemispheric friendship based upon mutual respect. Wilson proposed that the United States encourage its neighbors to become strong constitutional and democratic states and then join with it to form a confraternity for peace which the world could see and imitate. As a means to this goal, Wilson formulated a Pan American Pact to provide mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity. Although this pact was to founder upon the rock of Chilean national self-interest, its promise of a hemispheric partnership was an important step towards true Pan-Americanism.

The Pan-American Mass, 1909–1914: A Rejected Contribution to Thanksgiving Day

1982 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-333
Author(s):  
James F. Vivian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Pan American ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Cultural Extension ◽  
Political Question

The Right Reverend Monsignor William T. Russell, pastor of Saint Patrick's Church in Washington, D.C., since 1908 and reputedly one of the finest preachers in the country, agreed to an unusual interview during the spring of 1912. Five other clergy, including a rabbi, likewise participated in separate sessions with the same Protestant minister. The resulting six semiautobiographical accounts appeared as a weekly series in Collier's magazine at midyear. Unlike the companion pieces, however, the article devoted to Msgr. Russell appeared at a particularly timely moment. On the one hand, the Pan-American Thanksgiving Day celebration, although just three years old, seemed well on the way toward becoming an annual observance that neither the president of the United States nor the Latin American diplomatic contingent could slight idly. Yet, on the other hand, the article heralded a major Protestant protest that would call the entire basis of the celebration into public and even political question. Upon assuming the presidency in 1913, an unsuspecting Woodrow Wilson would find himself inadvertently drawn into an interdenominational dispute over the special Catholic service. Embarrassed to the point of privately admitting a clumsy mistake, Wilson eventually yielded to the critics and finally withdrew his support from an implied experiment in the cultural extension of a famous holiday.

Imperial routes, national networks and regional projects in the Pan-American Highway, 1884–1977

2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa E. Ficek
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Cultural Difference ◽  
The United States ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Pan American ◽  
National Networks ◽  
Planning And Construction ◽  
Regional Projects

This article discusses the planning and construction of the Pan-American Highway by focusing on interactions among engineers, government officials, manufacturers, auto enthusiasts, and road promoters from the United States and Latin America. It considers how the Pan-American Highway was made by projects to extend U.S. influence in Latin America but also by Latin American nationalist and regionalist projects that put forward alternative ideas about social and cultural difference—and cooperation—across the Americas. The transnational negotiations that shaped the Pan-American Highway show how roads, as they bring people and places into contact with each other, mobilize diverse actors and projects that can transform the geography and meaning of these technologies.

Thinking Regional on Peace Missions in Latin America

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 177-196
Author(s):  
Monica Hirst
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Open Case ◽  
Response Capacity ◽  
Latin America And Caribbean ◽  
The Caribbean

As is the case with other regions, in Latin America and the Caribbean, multilateral peace missions are subordinated to norms and expectations of specific mandates. Yet, post-Cold War peace missions in Latin America and the Caribbean share circumstances that are unique to this region. This article seeks to offer a sequenced overview of three scenarios – Central America, Haiti and Colombia – to show how these circumstances interplay as shaping factors in regional peace missions. Three circumstances are highlighted: i) the strategic irrelevance of the region; ii) the preeminence of the United States in Latin America and the Caribbean; iii) the response capacity of Latin American governments. These three are addressed as the core cast of determinants in post-conflict contexts in Latin America and Caribbean. This article explores how these circumstances have adapted in time producing reiterative dynamics attuned to international and regional changing landscapes. Even though the Colombian experience should be considered “an open case”, its inclusion contributes to enrich this argument. Final reflections raise the question if these circumstances explain as well the failures and reversed expectations of regional peace processes.

Latin America and the United Nations

1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 714-727
Author(s):  
Bryce Wood ◽  
Minerva Morales M.
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
American States ◽  
International Bureaucracy ◽  
The Caribbean

When the governments of the Latin American states were taking part in the negotiations leading to the founding of the UN, they could hardly have done so with nostalgic memories of the League of Nations. The League had provided no protection to the Caribbean countries from interventions by the United States, and, largely because of United States protests, it did not consider the Tacna-Arica and Costa Rica-Panama disputes in the early 1920's. Furthermore, Mexico had not been invited to join; Brazil withdrew in 1926; and Argentina and Peru took little part in League affairs. The organization was regarded as being run mainly for the benefit of European states with the aid of what Latin Americans called an “international bureaucracy,” in which citizens from the southern hemisphere played minor roles. The United States was, of course, not a member, and both the reference to the Monroe Doctrine by name in Article 21 of the Covenant and the organization's practice of shunning any attempt to interfere in inter-American affairs against the wishes of the United States made the League in its first decade a remote and inefficacious institution to countries that were seriously concerned about domination by Washington.

Race, Colonial Exploitation and West Indian Immigration in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico, 1800-1850

1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge L. Chinea
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
West Indian ◽  
The United States ◽  
Population Movements ◽  
European Settlement ◽  
Migration History ◽  
Constant State ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Indian Immigration

“Unlike some Latin American mainland societies which still contain large numbers of indigenous peoples,” Jorge Duany observed, “Caribbean societies are immigrant societies almost from the moment of their conception.” Médéric-Louis-Élie Moreau de Saint- Méry likened the latter to “shapeless mixtures subject to diverse influences.” Their population, Dawn I. Marshall reminds us, “is to a large extent the result of immigration—from initial settlement, forced immigration during slavery, indentured immigration, to the present outward movement to metropolitan countries.” Throughout their history, David Lowenthal noted, limited resources and opportunities kept West Indian societies in a constant state of flux, impelling continuous transfers of people, technology, and institutions within the area. Despite the frequency and importance of these population movements, the bulk of scholarship on American migration history has traditionally concentrated on areas favored by European settlement. Moreover, the overwhelming quantity of research on immigration to the United States, Canada, Argentina, and Brazil has tended to overshadow the study of similar processes in other American regions. Due to its historical association with the arrival of involuntary settlers, migratory currents in the Caribbean have been too narrowly identified with bondage, penal labor and indentured workers. Nowhere is the imbalance more conspicuous than in the study of trans-Caribbean migratory streams during slavery. Discussions on pre-1838 population shifts have centered largely on inter-island slave trading and the exodus prompted by Franco-Haitian revolutionary activity in the Caribbean. The parallel legacy of motion hinted by Neville N.A.T. Hall's “maritime” maroons and Julius S. Scott's “masterless” migrants has attracted noticeably less attention.

Internal Colony as Political Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morgan Adamson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Critical Evaluation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Racial Oppression ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
Us Imperialism ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
The 1960S

In the midst of struggles against racial oppression in the United States that intensified in and around 1968, activists developed the theory of the internal colony to contend that US imperialism was essential to understanding racial oppression in the heart of empire. The theory of the internal colony foregrounded alliances with struggles for national liberation abroad, articulated through an internationalist and Third Worldist position. This essay is a critical evaluation of the theory of the internal colony as a political perspective, its use and circulation within militant movements against racial oppression during the long 1960s, and its cultural and theoretical resonances today. Through the work of Robert L. Allen, the essay argues that the internal colony was a crucial lens through which to read both the rise of law and order and neoliberal political formations. Furthermore, drawing on the critiques of imperialism and finance, first developed by Lenin, that inspired movements for Third World emancipation through dependency theory from Latin American scholars and the theory of neocolonialism developed by Kwame Nkrumah in the 1960s, the author argues for a reevaluation of the theory of the internal colony in the context of contemporary financialization in the United States and elsewhere as a way to reinvigorate theories of geographical dislocation that remap solidarities in struggles against the financial dispossession today.

Latin/Pan-American Music

2020 ◽  
pp. 172-192
Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Educational Practice ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Music ◽  
World War ◽  
Latin American Music ◽  
Pan American ◽  
Charles Seeger ◽  
Latin Americanism

This chapter explains the pan-American absorption of Latin Americanism during World War II and the inception of the “world music” discourse that led to the creation of UNESCO. It focuses on the work of Charles Seeger as director of the Pan American Union’s Music Division from the years leading to the United States entry into the war to the immediate postwar years. The chapter analyzes a host of actors and initiatives, by the Pan American Union and other music-related associations, that influenced the consolidation of Latin American music and inter-Americanism as fields of musicological and educational practice. It illuminates the place of Latin American music in the convergence of nationalist traditions, hemispheric rhetoric, and global horizons among musicological and diplomatic actors as World War II came to an end.

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