Race, Colonial Exploitation and West Indian Immigration in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico, 1800-1850

1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge L. Chinea

“Unlike some Latin American mainland societies which still contain large numbers of indigenous peoples,” Jorge Duany observed, “Caribbean societies are immigrant societies almost from the moment of their conception.” Médéric-Louis-Élie Moreau de Saint- Méry likened the latter to “shapeless mixtures subject to diverse influences.” Their population, Dawn I. Marshall reminds us, “is to a large extent the result of immigration—from initial settlement, forced immigration during slavery, indentured immigration, to the present outward movement to metropolitan countries.” Throughout their history, David Lowenthal noted, limited resources and opportunities kept West Indian societies in a constant state of flux, impelling continuous transfers of people, technology, and institutions within the area. Despite the frequency and importance of these population movements, the bulk of scholarship on American migration history has traditionally concentrated on areas favored by European settlement. Moreover, the overwhelming quantity of research on immigration to the United States, Canada, Argentina, and Brazil has tended to overshadow the study of similar processes in other American regions. Due to its historical association with the arrival of involuntary settlers, migratory currents in the Caribbean have been too narrowly identified with bondage, penal labor and indentured workers. Nowhere is the imbalance more conspicuous than in the study of trans-Caribbean migratory streams during slavery. Discussions on pre-1838 population shifts have centered largely on inter-island slave trading and the exodus prompted by Franco-Haitian revolutionary activity in the Caribbean. The parallel legacy of motion hinted by Neville N.A.T. Hall's “maritime” maroons and Julius S. Scott's “masterless” migrants has attracted noticeably less attention.

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie L. Pietruska

This article examines the mutually reinforcing imperatives of government science, capitalism, and American empire through a history of the U.S. Weather Bureau's West Indian weather service at the turn of the twentieth century. The original impetus for expanding American meteorological infrastructure into the Caribbean in 1898 was to protect naval vessels from hurricanes, but what began as a measure of military security became, within a year, an instrument of economic expansion that extracted climatological data and produced agricultural reports for American investors. This article argues that the West Indian weather service was a project of imperial meteorology that sought to impose a rational scientific and bureaucratic order on a region that American officials considered racially and culturally inferior, yet relied on the labor of local observers and Cuban meteorological experts in order to do so. Weather reporting networks are examined as a material and symbolic extension of American technoscientific power into the Caribbean and as a knowledge infrastructure that linked the production of agricultural commodities in Cuba and Puerto Rico to the world of commodity exchange in the United States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 177-196
Author(s):  
Monica Hirst

As is the case with other regions, in Latin America and the Caribbean, multilateral peace missions are subordinated to norms and expectations of specific mandates. Yet, post-Cold War peace missions in Latin America and the Caribbean share circumstances that are unique to this region. This article seeks to offer a sequenced overview of three scenarios – Central America, Haiti and Colombia – to show how these circumstances interplay as shaping factors in regional peace missions. Three circumstances are highlighted: i) the strategic irrelevance of the region; ii) the preeminence of the United States in Latin America and the Caribbean; iii) the response capacity of Latin American governments. These three are addressed as the core cast of determinants in post-conflict contexts in Latin America and Caribbean. This article explores how these circumstances have adapted in time producing reiterative dynamics attuned to international and regional changing landscapes. Even though the Colombian experience should be considered “an open case”, its inclusion contributes to enrich this argument. Final reflections raise the question if these circumstances explain as well the failures and reversed expectations of regional peace processes.


1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 714-727
Author(s):  
Bryce Wood ◽  
Minerva Morales M.

When the governments of the Latin American states were taking part in the negotiations leading to the founding of the UN, they could hardly have done so with nostalgic memories of the League of Nations. The League had provided no protection to the Caribbean countries from interventions by the United States, and, largely because of United States protests, it did not consider the Tacna-Arica and Costa Rica-Panama disputes in the early 1920's. Furthermore, Mexico had not been invited to join; Brazil withdrew in 1926; and Argentina and Peru took little part in League affairs. The organization was regarded as being run mainly for the benefit of European states with the aid of what Latin Americans called an “international bureaucracy,” in which citizens from the southern hemisphere played minor roles. The United States was, of course, not a member, and both the reference to the Monroe Doctrine by name in Article 21 of the Covenant and the organization's practice of shunning any attempt to interfere in inter-American affairs against the wishes of the United States made the League in its first decade a remote and inefficacious institution to countries that were seriously concerned about domination by Washington.


2013 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Richard M. Morse

This introductory paper examines some of the main questions raised by the papers presented to the urbanization symposium in Vancouver. Comparisons between the Latin American urban experience and that of the United States and Canada revealed basic contrasts in spite of some broad hemispheric similarities. Differences were particularly apparent in the residual influence of native society on later European settlement, in the role of the state versus private commerce in growth and development, and in the differing class structures.


1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-83
Author(s):  
Shirley Christian

There has always been a certain attitude in Washington having to do with Latin America. It is that Latin America is not quite a grown-up place and, therefore, is worthy of intense US interest only when the region, or part of it, falls into a crisis that crosses paths with one of the US hot-button issues of the moment: drugs, immigration, human rights, communism (until recently) and, farther back, fascism. In other words, Latin America has been worthy of attention only when the United States decided to “do good” (e.g., human rights crusades), incorporate the region into efforts at solving US domestic problems (e.g., drugs), or needed firm support from the region in some international effort (e.g., the Cold War and World War II).


Popular Music ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 81-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Cowley

In recent years, a surprising void has opened in discussions of the evolution of twentieth-century British popular music. Directly and indirectly, much attention has been given to the influence of the United States. Little, however, has been written on the development of Britain's own popular vocal and dance forms, especially in the key years between the two World Wars; neither have other cultural inter-relationships, such as British acceptance of ‘Latin American’ rhythms received the attention they deserve.


2018 ◽  
Vol 78 (309) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Raúl Rosales Carreño

Este artículo quiere ser una mirada retrospectiva a uno de los acontecimientos claves de la historia de la iglesia católica del Continente tanto porque adquirió su madurez como iglesia latinoamericana, como porque comenzó a tener una nueva comprensión postcolonial de la realidad del Continente. A los cincuenta años de este magno acontecimiento realizamos un recorrido literario al diagnóstico que hicieron los obispos católicos reunidos en Medellín. Revisitamos la imagen de nueva sociedad que proyectan y nos gozamos de la profunda cercanía que presentan respecto a las grandes transformaciones que se viven en América Latina y el Caribe hacia fines de la décadas de los 60. Podemos palpar así la cuna que da origen a una iglesia profética que más allá de toda cristiandad retoma centralmente su seguimiento de Jesús de Nazaret, tal como lo pide el papa Francisco actualmente. Como dice Medellín: “es el momento de inventar con imaginación creadora la acción que corresponde realizar, que habrá de ser llevada a término con la audacia del Espíritu y el equilibrio de Dios” (Introducción, 3).Abstract: This article hopes to have a retrospective look at one of the key events of the Catholic Church’s history in the Latin-American Continent both because it has reached its maturity as Latin-American Church and because it started to have a new postcolonial understanding of the Continent’s reality. On the fiftieth anniversary of this great event we carry out a literary exam of the diagnosis made by the Catholic bishops gathered in Medellin. We revisit the image of the new society that they project and enjoy the deep understanding they present with regard to the great transformations that people were going through in Latin America and in the Caribbean towards the end of the 1960s. We can thus get to know clearly the cradle that gave origin to a prophetic church, a Church that far more than all Christianity has retaken its following of Jesus of Nazareth, just as Pope Francisco requests at present. As Medellín said: “this is the moment to invent with a creative imagination the action that we must carry out and that will be carried action that we must carry out with the boldness of the Spirit and God’s equilibrium” (Introduction, 3).Keywords: Conference of Medellín; Documents of Medellín; Literary analysis; Social proximity; Following Jesus of Nazareth; Prophetism.


1966 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Baker

“One of the chief objects of my administration,” Woodrow Wilson stated on March 11, 1913, after learning of political unrest in the Caribbean, “will be to cultivate the friendship and deserve the confidence of our sister republics of Central and South America, and to promote in every proper and honorable way the interests which are common to the peoples of the two continents.” Believing, however, that “cooperation is possible only when supported at every turn by the orderly processes of just government based upon law, not upon arbitrary or irregular force,” he wanted the Latin American nations to build their governments upon the same foundation of law and order as that of the United States. On the part of his own nation, he renounced, in his Mobile Address of October 27, 1913, the “Dollar Diplomacy” of his predecessors Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft, and proposed instead a Pan American Pact to provide mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity.


1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-409
Author(s):  
T. B. Irving

Three great regions of America deserve a Muslim's attedon because oftheir Islamic past: Brazil in South America; the Caribbean, which scarcely hasbeen explored in this tespect; and the United States. Over 12 percent of theUnited States' population, and even more in the Caribbean, is of African origin,whereas Brazil has a similar or greater proportion of African descent.The enslavement and transportation of Africans to the New World continuedfor another three or four centuries after the region's indigenous Indianpopulations had either been killed off or driven into the plains and wooc1s.While knowledge of the original African Muslims in Notth America is vaguely acknowledged, teseatch is still required on the West Indies. Brazil's case,however, is clearer due to its proud history of the Palmares republic, whichalmost achieved its freedom in the seventeenth century, and the clearly Islamicnineteenth-century Male movement. As a postscript, the Canudos movement in 1897 also contained some Islamic features.In the Spanish colonies, the decline of the indigenous Indian populationsbegan quickly. To offset this development, Bartolome de Las Casas (1474-1566), Bishop of Chiapas, Mexico, suggested the importation of enslavedAfricans to the new colonies, whete they could then be converted to Christianity.Few persons have exercised such a baneful effect on society as thisman, who is often called the "Apostle of the Indies." However, othes knewhim as the "Enslaver of Africans," especially the Muslims, who he called"Moots." These facts of African slavery apply to almost all of the Atlanticcoast of the Americas, from Maryland and Virginia to Argentina, as well asto some countries along the Pacific coast such as Ecuador and Peru. If thisaspect of Muslim history and the Islamic heritage is to be preserved for humanhistory, we need to devote more study to it.This tragedy began in the sixteenth century and, after mote than four hundredyears, its effects are still apparent. If those Africans caught and sold intoslavery were educated, as many of them were, they were generally Muslimsand wrote in Arabic. Thus, many educated and literate slaves kept the recordsfor their sometimes illiterate plantation masters, who often could not read ormake any mathematical calculations, let alone handle formal bookkeeping.In 1532, the first permanent European settlement was established in Brazil,a country which since that date has never been wholly cut off from WestAfrica: even today trade is carried on with the Guinea coast. Yoruba influencefrom Nigeria and Benin has been almost as pervasive in some regions of ...


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