Need to Design and Apply a More Effective Anti-Inflationary Plan in Latin America

1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 105-124
Author(s):  
Felipe Pazos

In recent years, price increases in the inflation-prone countries of Latin America have accelerated from their former customary pace of 2 low digits to 3, 4, or more digits and are inflicting much more economic, social, and political damage than the old, slower price increases ever did. The joint (and inter-related) effects of the debt crisis plus galloping inflation have stopped income growth, reduced per capita income, lowered real salaries, increased unemployment (and underemployment), impaired income distribution, increased absolute poverty, and provoked urban riots.

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Przeworski

The paper is narrowly addressed to a single puzzle: How did it happen that countries that attempted to install democracy earlier enjoyed it less frequently? Regime dynamics are driven by two mechanisms: (1) Democracies become more durable as per capita income increases, and (2) Past experiences with democracy destabilize both democracies and autocracies. As a result, countries that experiment with democracy at lower income levels experience more regime instability. Moreover, until they reach some income threshold, at any time such countries are less likely to be democratic than countries that first enter democracy when they have higher incomes. Hence, paradoxically, the resistance of European monarchies against democracy resulted in democracies that were more stable than those following post-independence attempts in Latin America.


1986 ◽  
Vol 14 (12) ◽  
pp. 1457-1461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samar K. Datta ◽  
Jeffrey B. Nugent

1966 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-33
Author(s):  
Milton C. Taylor ◽  
Raymond L. Richman

Colombia is a country of paradoxes. Because of the high culture of its ruling classes, Bogotá is called the “Athens of Latin America,” yet over one-third of the population is illiterate. The country is unusually well-endowed with natural resources, has a relatively large land area and a population of 15.6 million, but the per capita income is only the eighth highest in Latin America. Colombia is relatively underpopulated, with the same population as the Netherlands and 35 times its area, but there are millions of landless campesinos. Living in Bogotá, and walking the paths of the wealthy, it is difficult for a foreigner (and also for many Bogotanians) to believe that most Colombians are desperately poor. This is because Bogotá and the other main cities are like islands in a sea of poverty.


Author(s):  
Murat Nişancı ◽  
Ahmet Fatih Aydemir ◽  
Bengü Tosun ◽  
Ömer Selçuk Emsen

Per capita income and income distribution are defined as classical Kuznets curve. From this view, the relationship between per capita income and income distribution is controlled variables and studies that take environmental pollution, financial depth, or trade volume into account are widely seen in the literature according to the study objectives. Respectively, these applications can be named first as environmental Kuznets and secondly as financial Kuznets. As parallel to this view, the studies that emphasize the relationship between export and income distribution are common in the literature, representing economic liberalization. It is also worth noting that political liberalization whether political rights or civil liberties, supports the trend that emerges like the Kuznets’ curve, according to the level of development of the countries. In this study, when the level of national development is taken into consideration, the relationships between per capita income and economic and political liberalization practices have been tested with econometric tests, whether they follow a classical, environmental, commercial or financial Kuznets-like situation. In addition to the classical, environmental, commercial and financial Kuznets, the existence of the “political liberalization practices” will be discussed in the literature in order to overlap the theoretical expectations and the results of this study. In the analysis of the 2012 horizontal cross-section of the country group with the highest Gini coefficient, Kuznets' “inverse U” view is reflected in both commercial and political liberalization dimensions.


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