Vietnam – A general study of the triangulation toward change social movements, economic development, and political changeover

This thesis aims to study the political change taking place in Vietnam. The analysis was based on a thorough systematic review, including the main articles and data on the topic. The analytic perspective adopted was that of polyarchy, which acted as a lens subsequently used to answer two questions. First: What are the points of contact between economic development, political liberalization, and civil society? And second: What political factors lead to the consideration of Vietnam as a polyarchy?

Literature Analysis of the Theory of Liberative Democracy

During the political liberalization of the reform era (1998 – present), various groups have complained about the evil practices of democratic politics. One of the shooting targets is that we have made the wrong choice, namely adopting a majoritarian or liberal democracy model. In the literature on democracy theory, one of the theories relevant to improving democratic practice is TDD (Theory of Deliberative Democracy). Although still using the principle of representation, TDD, in general, makes corrections or improvements to the procedures and substance of democracy that have been poorly practised in Indonesia today. This research is based on qualitative research using the descriptive-analytical method to provide a clear picture of the object of the problem. The conclusion of this study shows evidence that there is a model of democracy—both in substance and in procedures. They are different from the mechanism of representation initially derived from the theory of representative democracy.

Reconstruction of the Civic Virtues of Several Ethnicities, as a Strengthening of Pancasila Mutual Cooperation Democracy

The long road of economic and political modernization of democracy in Indonesia has transformed Indonesian society into an industrial society that has not empowered the people's economic sectors. The ups and downs of democratic politics remain far from the culture of deliberation mandated by Pancasila. The combination of development politics that has hit collective economic, cultural wisdom with political liberalization in the past 15 years has negatively impacted Indonesian cultural identity. The following study seeks to reconstruct the local wisdom and political values ​​of Indonesian ethnic groups and communities to demonstrate the potentials of social capital to improve our democratic politics. The object of the study consists of two types: the first is ethnic groups, with a focus on Wajo and Minang, the second is the communities of several urban parks in Java. The theoretical perspective used is the theory of deliberative democracy. From the point of view of political anthropology, this study is a case study in the context of qualitative research with qualitative-interpretive methods.

The best housing estate in Czechoslovakia

The Brno housing estate Lesna is undoubtedly an important achievement of Czechoslovak urbanism and architecture of the 1960s. It was built on the southern slopes north of Brno in 1962–1970 according to a project by a team of architects Frantisek Zounek, Viktor Rudis, Miroslav Dufek and Ladislav Volak. Although it was a standard housing construction made of prefabricated components, the architects did not want to hide its technical expression. They also fully copied it into the very urban arrangement of long blocks, which contributed to the fulfillment of the vision of the garden city. Close cooperation between the supplier, investor and designer was ensured already in the phase of elaboration of the project task. The architecture of residential buildings is based on the diligent efforts of the whole team to promote the use of a lightweight facade of a prefabricated house using parapet panels and strip glazing in the B 60 construction system. The unusually high-quality solution of the public space in the Lesna housing estate was mainly due to the time of its creation. Political liberalization in the 1960s allowed architects to come up with a generous plan for a free stop and thus perfectly fulfill the vision of a garden city. The population density of the Lesna housing estate, less than two hundred inhabitants per hectare, was multiplied by up to four hundred inhabitants per hectare in other housing estates of the "president Gustav Husak" era due to tightening economic indicators. Public greenery respecting the natural elements of the rugged relief required a different professional approach due to the extent of the exterior design. It was common practice that landscaping were carried out on residential complexes with a delay of several months and years after the first inhabitants moved in. The architects managed to reverse this common practice, so the first inhabitants moved to finished houses with access sidewalks, planted greenery and functioning residential amenities. This could not have been imagined by its inhabitants in the later realizations of housing estates. That is why the Brno housing estate Lesna is rightly called the best.

Senegala

Senegal has a history of representative politics dating from the nineteenth century, and has experienced political stability since independence in 1960. Progressive political liberalization since the 1980s has occurred without coups or national conferences, making the country an outlier in the region. However, despite two peaceful transitions of power in 2000 and 2012, Senegal’s politics have also been continuously marred by autocratic behavior and periodic limitations on civil liberties. As such, Senegal remains a “patrimonial democracy.” The country’s social and generational inequalities have been exacerbated by mismanagement of resource reallocation by the state, as well as by its dependence on international aid and remittances. The worrisome socioeconomic situation has sparked migration but also bolstered the engagement of younger generations, with social movements increasingly active in the public arena and more women participating in politics. In addition, religious diversification and greater religious pluralism have increasingly challenged the historically central role of Islam, and especially the Sufi orders, in politics.

Civil Society and Political Order in the Sahel

Like elsewhere in Africa, civil society in its current forms re-emerged in the Sahelian countries with political liberalization and the transition from authoritarian rule to democratic systems. This chapter surveys the emergence and the forms of civil society, and analyzes its roles and practices in relation to the efforts to create and maintain political order. Sahelian civil societies in each country have struggled to develop, to maintain their autonomy, and to participate in the construction of new political orders, in the face of the authoritarian impulses of powerholders to domesticate and control them. Civil society is called on to play an important role in promoting, defending, and protecting the principles and values of democracy and social justice in the face of states’ efforts to establish stable political order. The chapter explores the many factors shaping its ability to do so in the Sahel.

Monitoring Democracy in the Eastern Neighbourhood: When Are the EU’s Assessments Lenient and Why?

How reliable are the EU’s reports when assessing its Eastern neighbouring countries’ progress towards democracy? To explore this question, I first developed an original scale that enables to identify the variation in the quality of the EU’s assessment reports across the partner countries and over time. Subsequently, by employing both quantitative and qualitative research techniques, I carried out a systematic analysis of the key structural factors that tend to influence and compromise the quality of the EU’s assessments. The main results of the study suggest that the more dependent partner countries are on the EU as a source of development aid and export market, the less lenient the EU’s institutions appear in their assessment reports. Furthermore, the findings of the study show that somewhat counter-intuitively, the more authoritarian the regime in question is, the less willing the EU appears in criticizing the country’s poor democratic performance. However, when a certain level of political liberalization is underway, the EU institutions become rather critical in their assessment reports by explicitly and openly denouncing the country’s poor democratic performance.

Authoritarian Upgrading and the “Pink Wave”

This paper analyzes the complex processes that have been shaping the increased involvement of Bahraini women in politics, especially their share in elected political offices as MPs. Looking back at the unprecedented rise of female MPs in electoral polls in 2018, this research examines the last two decades of female progress in politics and looks in depth at the contributing factors. Using the initial factors established through a literature review, it examines their relevance in the Bahraini political environment, and establishes additional factors peculiar to the kingdom. The role of women is interwoven with political liberalization reforms in the first decade of the twenty-first century, but it was also shaped by the current events, namely, the popular uprising of 2011. The uprising was ultimately contained; yet, the authoritarian upgrading that followed paradoxically created opportunities for greater women’s engagement in electoral politics. The case of Bahrain sheds light on how sectarianism, popular uprisings, and authoritarianism affect women’s position in electoral politics in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region.

Managing Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka through Constitutional Arrangements

Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.