Political Attitudes and Behavior: Some Consequences of Attitudinal Ordering

1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel A. Kirkpatrick
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lena Ramstetter

Though research provides ample evidence that mindfulness shapes psychological processes and states that are linked to political attitudes and behavior, political science has so far largely ignored mindfulness as a potential explanatory factor shaping political attitudes and actions. This literature review aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the concept of mindfulness and outlines potential linkages between mindfulness and outlines political attitudes. I begin by identifying gaps in the literature on political attitude formation and change as well as its linkage to political behavior. I then introduce mindfulness as a multifaceted concept, discussing its definitional features and unravelling the mechanisms of mindfulness affecting cognitive and emotional abilities. Building on this foundation, I review research on correlates and effects of mindfulness on attitudes and behaviors related to the political domain, such as pro-environmentalism and pro-social behavior. Critically reflecting on extant research on mindfulness, I propose possible research avenues for political science that enhance its dialogue with neuroscience and social psychology.


2019 ◽  
Vol 117 ◽  
pp. 328-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catia Batista ◽  
Julia Seither ◽  
Pedro C. Vicente

2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 200-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Joseph

Some political scientists have argued in recent years that twin research shows that genetic factors play an important role in shaping political attitudes, ideologies, and behavior. Moreover, some researchers claim to have identified genes for political traits at the molecular level. The author argues that the main theoretical assumption of the twin method, which holds that monozygotic and dizygotic twin pairs experience equal environments, is untenable. Therefore, the results of twin studies can be completely explained by nongenetic factors. The author also argues that recent gene discovery claims in political science are unlikely to be replicated. He concludes that because genetic interpretations of twin study results are confounded by environmental factors, political scientists have no reason to revise previous socialization theories of political traits.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hoffman ◽  
Amaney Jamal

The Arab Spring has been described as a youth rebellion driven by grievances about unemployment and dissatisfaction with existing regimes. In this article, we assess these claims by examining the characteristics of the current youth generation in the Arab world in comparison with earlier cohorts. We find that some of the conventional assumptions about this generation—that they are less religious, more likely to be unemployed, and more likely to protest—are true, but others—that they are more supportive of secularization, more interested in politics, and more dissatisfied with their regimes—should be reconsidered. Using the first wave of the Arab Barometer survey, we discuss how patterns of political attitudes and behavior vary across cohorts, and cast doubt upon the claim that the Arab Spring was the result of an angry youth cohort that was especially opposed to the old regimes.


2014 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 214-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Harmel ◽  
Yao-Yuan Yeh

Author(s):  
Niloufer A. Siddiqui

Pakistan is widely considered to be a “religious” society, with survey data demonstrating that a high percentage of people consider religion an important part of their lives and support the implementation of shariʿa law. How does this apparent religiosity translate into political attitudes and behavior? This article examines this relationship by, first, analyzing how definitional and measurement choices have affected past research findings, and, second, through original analysis of Pew Research Center data from Pakistan using three distinct measures of religiosity. Survey results demonstrate that religious individuals hold meaningfully distinct views compared to their less religious counterparts on some issues of political importance—for example, they are more likely to support democracy. Along other outcome measures, such as concern with religious extremism and attitudes toward India, religiosity is not a consistently key factor, and its predictive value depends on how the concept is defined and measured.


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