The Containment of Latin America. A History of the Myths and Realities of the Good Neighbor Policy, The Alliance that Lost its Way. A Critical Report on the Alliance for Progress, Latin America and the United States in the 1970's and The United States and Latin America

1972 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 352-354
Author(s):  
John D. Lees
1985 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredrick B. Pike

In this essay I describe some often ignored North American modes of perceiving Latin Americans; and I suggest that a change in these modes contributed to the Good Neighbor era (1933-1945). I do not presume to argue that shifting attitudes and perceptions should be seen as the principal factors in shaping the Good Neighbor policy. Anyone concerned with the primary determinants of that policy must turn to security and economic considerations. Still, an intellectual—and, really, a psychological—phenomenon of shifting perceptions and stereotypes among North Americans accounted for some of the enthusiasm with which they greeted what they took to be a new approach to Latin America.In its central thrust this essay suggests that in hemispheric relations, seen from the north-of-the-Rio-Grande perspective, the United States stands generally for culture and Latin America for nature. Symbolizing the capitalist culture of the Yankees, shaped by their struggle to subdue wilderness and nature, has been the white male, often portrayed by Uncle Sam. In contrast, Latin America has been symbolized by Indians, blacks, women, children, and also the idle poor: people assumed to lack the capitalist urge constantly to tame, dominate, and uplift nature.


Author(s):  
Stephen G. Rabe

This chapter demonstrates how Henry Kissinger engaged in resolving inter-American trade, investment, and treaty disputes. When they recalled the history of inter-American relations between 1969 and 1976, State Department officials who worked in Washington and foreign service officers assigned to posts in Latin America habitually lamented that Henry Kissinger did not prioritize relations with Latin America. They further noted that he launched no grand initiatives for the region, such as the Good Neighbor Policy or the Alliance for Progress. Their assessments were accurate. Nonetheless, the energetic Kissinger devoted more of his time to Latin America than did the prominent Cold War leaders that he succeeded. When he left public service in January of 1977, Kissinger could point to solid achievements in inter-American affairs. He took the lead in resolving both old and new issues that marred relations with Mexico, Peru, Ecuador, and Venezuela.


2011 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Calderón-Zaks

By the 1920s, anti-Mexican campaigns in the United States had become a major liability for US interests in the Americas, as rival imperial powers attempted to exploit growing anti-American sentiments in Mexico and Latin America against American imperialism. The U.S. State Department sought to curtail animosity in Latin America by contesting discriminatory domestic practices that angered elite Mexicans and Mexican-American leaders who identified as white. After blocking eastern and southern European and Japanese immigration in the 1924 National Origins Act, the eugenics movement turned its attention to excluding Mexicans from entering the US. When legislative attempts at restriction failed because they conflicted with national and international commercial interests, non-legislative avenues were sought, including the Census and the courts. The 1930 Census was the only census that categorized Mexicans as a separate “race.” In the context of a changing racial formation in the United States, this unique category was reversed in 1936 due to Mexican-American leaders leveraging the fragility of the “Good Neighbor Policy” to force the Federal government into action.


1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger R. Trask

Between 1945 and 1947, Argentina posed a complex and exasperating problem for the United States as it endeavored to develop policy to guide its relations with Latin America. Among the questions involved were how to deal with an alleged neofascist dictator in Argentina, how to preserve the aura of the so-called Good Neighbor policy, whether to provide arms and economic aid to Latin America, and whether to enter into a collective security agreement for the western hemisphere.


2021 ◽  

Research on Latinx athletes and their communities is a significant contribution to sports studies. Recent studies on sports in Latinx communities have highlighted regional teams, transnational relationships, race and ethnicity, and sociopolitical structures. Still, the need continues for more attention on Latinx sport identity and community. Although basketball originated in the United States, the sport played a significant political role in regions throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. For example, in Mexico, President Lázaro Cárdenas (r. 1934–1940) introduced government reforms that included promoting sports; thus, in Oaxaca, Catholic missionaries used basketball as a socialization tool to strengthen relationships in rural communities (see Rios 2008 [cited under Society and Culture]). Rios 2019 (cited under Society and Culture) and Garcia 2014 (cited under History and Geography) are the primary texts dedicated to the history of basketball in Latin America and the importance of basketball to Latinx communities in the United States.


Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 17-22
Author(s):  
Francis X. Gannon

As President Carter prepared for his first official visit to Mexico in February, 1979, to discuss, among other things, U.S. access to its neighbor's new-found oil, the U.S. secretary of energy, James R. Schlesinger, warned that the security of the Western democracies could be completely undermined if instability became endemic in the Persian Gulf and the flow of oil to Europe, Japan, and the United States was sharply curtailed.There was considerable irony in this situation. As columnist James Reston observed in the New York Times, the president was not going to Mexico "to deal with the price of Mexican gas—though that is an immediate and divisive problem—but with the price of neglect.


1966 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 318
Author(s):  
Max Savelle ◽  
Louis Hartz ◽  
Kenneth D. McRae ◽  
Richard M. Morse ◽  
Richard N. Rosecrance ◽  
...  

1998 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Kenneth Maxwell ◽  
Lars Schoultz

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