Approaches to the Bible through History and Archeology: Biblical History as a Discipline

1982 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 211-216
Author(s):  
J. Maxwell Miller
Keyword(s):  
2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tucker S. Ferda

Abstract Study of Josephus’ interpretation of the Bible has focused on the paraphrase in Antiquities, but Josephus continued to engage Scripture in his post-biblical history. This article contends that Josephus, like the authors of the synoptic gospels and later Jewish exegetes, saw the events of 66-70 C.E. through the lens of Jeremiah’s temple sermon (7:1-34). The accounts of Jesus ben Ananias and Josephus’ speech before the city walls, among other examples, show recourse to Jeremiah 7.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-497
Author(s):  
John D. Thomas

In the early nineteenth century, the study of “sacred” geography gained traction in American Sunday schools, buoyed by the popular belief that students needed to familiarize themselves with the Holy Land in order to understand the Bible. As religious educators designed geographic curricula, they turned to cartography for assistance and developed map-based lesson plans that would, they hoped, enliven the study of scripture by making visible the spatial layout of ancient Palestine. This article tracks the emergence and widespread use of a particular type of thematic map that featured the life of Jesus superimposed onto the Holy Land, a form of biographical mapmaking that I call “biocartography.” To help students visualize scripture, mapmakers translated the gospel narratives into vectors that crisscrossed Palestine, which meant that they had to overlook the New Testament’s textual discontinuities in order to create a seemingly authentic mosaic of biblical history. Paying close attention to the semiotics of cartography, I explain how biographical circuits that were largely (if not entirely) speculative were regarded as historical fact and how educators who used such maps invented a wide range of cartographic activities to help students comprehend and internalize the Bible’s most salient passages.


Author(s):  
Martin Mulsow

Hermann von der Hardt’s exegetical work is extremely idiosyncratic and controversial. Yet it is important for at least two reasons. First, his reading of the Bible evinces a thorough philological approach that served to corroborate his view of the complicated, encoded structures of biblical history. Secondly, von der Hardt refused to present the Book of Jonah as a prediction of Christ’s coming, as was usually done before him. Instead, he adopted a strictly historical interpretation that avoided delving into the mysteries of divine providence and explained the book as series of practical, moral, and political recommendations. His exegesis shows a predilection for a historical-critical interpretation that fits in the tradition associated with La Peyrère, Spinoza, and Simon. For von der Hardt, the moral implications of the text were of overriding importance.


Author(s):  
Jetze Touber

In chapter 3 we chart the potential and the pitfalls of Dutch Reformed biblical philology after 1650, a period that is relatively unknown. Focusing on Old Testament scholarship, a number of case studies serves to trace the paradoxical results of biblical philology in this period, as practised by the likes of Johannes Coccejus and Campegius Vitringa: discussions about the ‘oracle stones’ umim and thummim, reconstructions of the temple described by the prophet Ezekiel, and erotic allusions in the Old Testament. When such specialized debates spilled over to the writings of non-professionals, such as Adrianus Beverland, this could lead to unconventional speculations, unwelcome from a clerical perspective. These case studies show how existing philological work on the Bible became tied up with the textual criticism articulated by Spinoza, how Dutch scholarship connected with international discussions, and how philology radiated from academic specialists to outsiders with their own claims to exegetical authority.


2019 ◽  
pp. 387-396
Author(s):  
Ellen F. Davis

LIKE THE SCROLL of Esther, Daniel is a “hidden transcript”1 within the Bible—a serious yet playful piece of literature that speaks from the perspective of those on the underside of harsh political, military, and cultural domination. Following in a pattern of biblical history that begins with Pharaoh and reaches its acme with Haman, the enemy of Queen Esther and the Jews, the book of Daniel shows how the empire’s subjugation of this particular people turns, with remarkable ease and no clear logic, into determination to wipe them out. This book has the overt theological dimension that Esther lacks; rather than showing the mobilization of the Jews against those who seek to kill them, the book of Daniel envisions how “the Most High God” (Dan 5:18, 21; cf. 4:21, 22, 29 Heb., 4:24, 25, 32 Eng., etc.) and the heavenly powers will intervene—at some not clearly specified time in the future—on behalf of the threatened people....


1965 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob M. Myers

II Chronicles (Volume 13 in the acclaimed Anchor Bible Commentary series) is a crucial book for historians of the biblical period and for students of the Bible. Like I Chronicles, it has been both over- and undervalued. In recent years it has, certainly, suffered undue neglect. However, II Chronicles is to be neither accepted as a faithful narrative of the period of biblical history from Solomon to Cyrus nor dismissed as an imaginative re-creation of that history. It must be taken as an important clue to the biblical process, for here we find the Bible quoting itself – sometimes directly, sometimes in paraphrase. Jacob M. Myers has set before himself the enormous task of organizing and correlating the evidence to be found in II Chronicles (as well as in I Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah – for which he is also the editor and translator). Meticulously, he analyzes important aspects of the Chronicler and his work – his method of composition, his conviction that to rebuild the nation of Israel one had to restore and strengthen her traditional religion, his significant post-Exilic perspective. The book also examines the vast literature on Chronicles to find what it yields toward a better understanding of the Chronicler and a fuller appreciation of his work. The appendices in the book provide a list of the parallels and paraphrases that relate Chronicles to other books of the Bible, and genealogical charts summarize the family histories to be found in Chronicles.


PMLA ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 81 (5) ◽  
pp. 363-368
Author(s):  
Richard Regosin

Recent Studies on d'Aubigné's Les Tragiques have tended to bear out Henri Trénel's assertion in 1904 that the poet is “le plus biblique des écrivains français.” Since Trénel's catalogue of Scriptural references and Hebraisms in the poem (by which he sought to prove his point), d'Aubigné critics have given more thought to the significance of this accumulation of Biblical imagery, focusing particularly on d'Aubigné's continuing correlation of characters and events in Old Testament, early Christian, and contemporary sixteenth-century history. Henri Weber, whose view represents the most generally accepted interpretation, explains that this correlation provides the temporal dimension required by the epic poem. Moreover, by showing contemporary events to be a repetition of Biblical history, it raises those events to a symbolic level consistent with d'Aubigné's notion that the fortunes of the Protestants represent the working out of God's providential design for His modern-day chosen people. Henry Sauerwein suggests that the Biblical imagery represents d'Aubigné's attempt to approximate the style of the Bible in order to achieve a form suited to Les Tragiques as God's revelation of the destiny of the Protestant people to the divinely inspired poet.


1965 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-54
Author(s):  
William Michelsen

On Grundtvigs View of History By William Michelsen. What gave rise to this article was the chapter “Verdenshistorie” in dr. Kaj Thaning’s thesis Menneske først—where, in a note, it has been demonstrated that an anecdote about the old Grundtvig, taken from an article by dr. Holger Kjær, has ben inaccurately reproduced in my thesis Tilblivelsen af Grundtvigs historiesyn, p. 43. Sources older than dr. Kjær’s show that on the occasion in question Grundtvig did not speak of world history but of biblical history; dr. Thaning has emphasized the fact that Grundtvig did not use the expression “genfødt” (reborn) but only said that man was destined to receive regeneration and eternal life.— I agree that the latter distinction is essential, from his point of view; from mine it is irrelevant, because both expressions indicate that Grundtvig’s view of history was biblical; the former distinction is relevant, however, inasmuch as the anecdote cannot be used to show that Grundtvig’s view of world history was biblical. But that it was biblical can be attested by many other examples. And since in the periodical Danske Udsyn, 1964, Thaning has made this hypothesis from the introduction to my thesis a direct object of attack, a series of new quotations from Haandbog i Verdens-Historien are adduced in support of it (U S VI, p. 558, 563-64; VII, p. 379-80 and 703). I agree with Thaning that not until 1832 ff. did Grundtvig consider being a man a condition of being a Christian. But I maintain that already in 1810 he protested against any form of “ gnosticism” (U S II, p. 12). The consequences of this protest, however, dawned upon him only very slowly. Accordingly the subtitle of Thaning’s thesis “Grundtvigs opgør med sig selv” (the heart-searchings of Grundtvig) covers the whole body of his work from 1810 onwards. In my opinion it was Luther who directed Grundtvig away from “ gnosticism” by teaching him to regard the Bible as historical truth. Although the demonstrative emphasis on this point recedes into the background in Haandbog i Verdens-Historien (1833 ff.), it is nevertheless unmistakably there. According to my thesis and its sequel (Den sælsomme forvandling i N. F. S. Grundtvigs liv (1956)) there are two quite distinct reasons for this: 1) All writing of history is conditioned by a minimum of belief in the sources used, including the Bible; and Grundtvig knew this. 2) Grundtvig the historian neither can nor will conceal his Christian faith. From a non-theological viewpoint— that of the historian of ideas—Grundtvig can not, as Thaning maintains, be said to “ sækularisere sit historiesyn” (securalize his view of history) after 1832. I assert that Grundtvig’s personal outlook on life makes itself felt also in his secular historical writings. Already in 1813 Grundtvig had begun to work out a philosophical foundation for his reflections on “Menneskets Vilkaar” (the conditions of man) (see Værker i Udvalg II and Nordisk tidskrift (1946)). He published some of his thoughts on the matter in the periodical Danne-Virke 1816-19. Interesting preparatory studies exist among his manuscripts. A confrontation of these thoughts with those of the mature Grundtvig of 1832 ff. has not yet been undertaken.


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