The Right of Search and the Slave Trade in Anglo-American Relations, 1814-1862

In the English constitutional tradition, subjecthood has been primarily derived from two circumstances: place of birth and time of birth. People not born in the right place and at the right time are not considered subjects. What political status they hold varies and depends largely on the political history of the territory in which they reside at the exact time of their birth. A genealogy of early modern British subjecthood reveals that law based on dates and temporal durations—what I will call collectivelyjus tempus—creates sovereign boundaries as powerful as territorial borders or bloodlines. This concept has myriad implications for how citizenship comes to be institutionalized in modern politics. In this article, I briefly outline one route through whichjus tempusbecame a constitutive principle within the Anglo-American tradition of citizenship and how this concept works with other principles of membership to create subtle gradations of semi-citizenship beyond the binary of subject and alien. I illustrate two main points aboutjus tempus: first, how specific dates create sovereign boundaries among people and second, how durational time takes on an abstract value in politics that allows certain kinds of attributes, actions, and relationships to be translated into rights-bearing political statuses. I conclude with some remarks about how, once established, the principle ofjus tempusis applied in a diverse array of political contexts.

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American Immigration: A Very Short Introduction

10.1093/actrade/9780197542422.001.0001 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

David A. Gerber

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Nineteenth Century ◽

Social Order ◽

Slave Trade ◽

Illegal Immigration ◽

The United States ◽

American Identity ◽

National Character ◽

Short Introduction ◽

Anglo American

American Immigration: A Very Short Introduction traces three massive waves of immigration from the mid-nineteenth century to the present, and analyzes the nature of immigration as a purposeful, structured activity, attitudes supporting or hostile to immigration, policies and laws regulating immigration, and the nature of and prospects for assimilation. There have been some dramatic developments since 2011, including the crisis along the southwestern border and the intense conflict over illegal immigration. The population of the United States has diverse sources: territorial acquisition through conquest and colonialism, the slave trade, and voluntary immigration. Many Americans value the memory of immigrant ancestors, and are sentimentally inclined to immigrant strivings. Alongside this sits the perception that immigration destabilizes social order, cultural coherence, job markets, and political alignments. The nearly 250 years of American nationhood has been characterized by both support for openness to immigration and embrace of a cosmopolitan formulation of American identity and for restrictions and assertions of belief in a core Anglo-American national character.

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America in Indochina, 1957–1963: British Perceptions, Hopes, and Strategy

Journal of American-East Asian Relations ◽

10.1163/187656103793645342 ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 12 (1-2) ◽

pp. 81-104

Author(s):

Meghan Nealis

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Public Opinion ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Methodological Approach ◽

The United States ◽

Post Colonial ◽

Anglo American ◽

The Times ◽

The Right ◽

Core Issues

AbstractBritish perceptions of the United States in Indochina between 1957 and 1963 were cautious and constructive. This article examines the perceptions of policymakers in Prime Minister Harold MacMillan's government and public opinion as expressed in the Times of London. British policymakers had basic doubts regarding American policy in Indochina, but Britain remained involved in the region after 1954 and agreed with the United States on defining the problem and on the broad methodological approach to the crisis. London wanted to ensure that Washington pursued the “right” policy in Indochina, that Britain utilized its expertise in post-colonial and counter-insurgency, and that the Anglo- American alliance maintained its importance for both countries. The study of these perceptions reveals some concerns which we would anticipate, but also shows that Britain respected the United States as a leader in the region and that it agreed with the United States on core issues.

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Lord Seaforth: Highland Proprietor, Caribbean Governor and Slave Owner

The Scottish Historical Review ◽

10.3366/shr.2011.0034 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 90 (2) ◽

pp. 204-235 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Finlay McKichan

Keyword(s):

Decision Making ◽

British Empire ◽

Slave Trade ◽

World View ◽

Sensitive Period ◽

Short Term ◽

Slave Owner ◽

Public Figure ◽

Profound Deafness ◽

The Right

Historians have recently investigated the inter-relationship between Scotland and various parts of the British Empire. Francis Humberston Mackenzie of Seaforth (1754–1815) was a Highland proprietor in what has become known as ‘The First Phase of Clearance’, was governor of Barbados (1801–6) in the sensitive period immediately before the abolition of the British slave trade and was himself a plantation owner in Berbice (Guiana). He overcame his profound deafness to become an energetic public figure. The article compares his attitudes and actions to establish how far there was a consistency of approach in each of his capacities. It is suggested that his concern for his Highland small tenants was paralleled by his ambition in Barbados to make the killing of a slave by a white a capital offence, by his attempts to give free coloureds the right to testify against whites and by his aim to provide good conditions for his own enslaved labourers in Berbice. It is argued that he had a conservative world view which led him to support slavery and the slave trade (for which he can be criticised), but which also gave him a concern for the welfare of people for whom he felt responsible. The balance between humanitarianism and more pragmatic considerations in his decision-making is considered. Another parallel between the Highlands, Barbados and Berbice is that his good intentions were often of short-term or limited advantage to the intended beneficiaries. The reasons for this are investigated. A comparison is also made between Seaforth's authority and influence as a Highland proprietor and the restrictions and the frustrations he experienced as an active Caribbean governor.

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