scholarly journals “The Bloody Assizes:” Whig Martyrdom and Memory after the Glorious Revolution

1995 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melinda Zook

Revolutionaries of modern times often imagine themselves not only as creators of a new future, but also as constructors of a new past. They seek to reinterpret events, rewrite texts, desacralize old idols and icons, and institute new heroes, heroines and martyrs for the cause newly victorious. They hope to recast popular memory to justify the new order. Historians might easily associate such attempts to reconstruct history and manipulate memory with the violent context of the French Revolution. Recent work in French cultural history has provided scholars with a fuller awareness of the functions of revolutionary propaganda, from iconography to ritual. Investigations into festival, street literature, rhetoric, reading, audience, and memory have given the revolutionary experience in France a cultural history that England's still lacks.

1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 601-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Philip Schofield

In attempting to explain the stability of eighteenth-century Britain, and in particular the maintenance of political, social and economic supremacy by the landed aristocracy, scholars have begun to pay attention to the role of ideology and opinion. They see this not merely as providing an explanation of the way things were, but justifying and reinforcing them. The dominant ideological interpretation of society had emerged from the political and constitutional struggles of the seventeenth century, and in particular from the Glorious Revolution of 1688, an interpretation which might be denominated ‘Whig’, and which faced its most serious challenge at the very end of the eighteenth century from the French revolution. Despite the more tangible threat of French arms, the ruling classes in Britain did not underestimate the danger to social order from the arguments advanced by adherents of the rights-of-man doctrine propagated by the revolutionaries. If, in reply to these views, the status quo could be shown not only to be necessary and inevitable, but also right and good, that is to say correspondent with the true nature of man, then the morality of the existing practices and institutions of civil society would be proven. The problem at its most fundamental level was ethical, and it was a problem which conservatives attempted to solve in a variety of ways.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer

1988 and 1989 have been vintage years all over the world for centenary celebrations. People have celebrated the centenary of the Eiffel Tower, the bicentenary of the French Revolution, the bicentenary of Australia, the bicentenary of the American Bill of Rights, the quatercentenary of the defeat of the Spanish Armada, the sexcentenary of the battle of Kosovo (this one may have escaped your notice, but it brought over a million people to a gathering in the city of Pristina in Yugoslavia in June 1989), and, of course, the tercentenary of the English Revolution of 1688–89, with which I am concerned tonight. You will have no trouble believing that I have been “concerned with” and “celebrating” the Glorious Revolution for two years now, but I want to confess to you in the intimacy of this festive occasion that it has really been at least ten years, and that sometimes it feels more like three hundred!How did centennial observances start? Why do people go to trouble, take time, and spend money to call to mind an event that happened one, two, or three hundred years ago? What is it about centennial moments that turns serious-minded, scholarly-inclined historians like ourselves into “party people”? What do celebrations tell us about the uses of the past in successive “presents”? The fact is that celebrations, each varying in character, have attended the Glorious Revolution from its beginnings on through each centennial anniversary thereafter — in 1788–89, 1888–89, and 1988–89. The observances at these centennial moments not only celebrated the Revolution itself, but also served, even as they reflected, current political, cultural, and/or economic ideas and goals. In a long perspective, the celebrations are an important part of the political and cultural history of the Revolution of 1688–89 itself. They illustrate how high and low politics may intersect, show how political ideas circulate through society and undergo transformation, and offer an index of changing ideological and cultural assumptions and aspirations over three hundred years.


1990 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 669
Author(s):  
Eugen Weber ◽  
Emmet Kennedy

1993 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 291
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Merrick ◽  
Emmet Kennedy ◽  
James Leith

1982 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 397-407
Author(s):  
D. T. J. Bellenger

Revolution confuses nationality. The French Revolution drove from France’s shores many émigrés who carried the conviction that they, rather than the masters of the new order, enshrined the true France. This sentiment was encouraged by the experience of exile which produced an exaggerated consciousness of Frenchness, especially among the clergy.This paper has two intentions. Firstly it wishes to show how internal and external influences worked on the exiles in England to create a mentality of deep separation. Secondly it wishes to hint at the implications of this separation especially in that highly developed sense of religio-national identity which became so clear a characteristic of the emigration.


1944 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-128
Author(s):  
Gertrude Cushing Yorke

For most mathematicians the metric system1 has a definite lure, because it is completely logical and mathematically perfect. Naturally it appeals strongly to them since it was the brainchild of some celebrated mathematicians who during the French Revolution were commissioned to create a new system of weights and measures worthy of the new order. Unfortunately these mathematicians knew little of and cared still less about the mundane world of trade and industry. They were “idéalogues” as Napoleon styled them, not practical businessmen. In the early eighteen hundreds the French failed to conquer the world, but their “intellectuals” never gave up their dream of world domination in one field, that of weights and measures, and so metric propaganda has worked on unremittingly.


Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Asensio Sánchez

Abstract: The preface to the French Civil Code of 1804 announced a New Order based on Right Reason and the political-legal values of the French Revolution, in an attempt to replace the role which churches had traditionally played in the morality of society. Moreover, the new civil law was presented as a substitute for moral law and religion with the aim of taking their place in that burgeoning society. One-dimensional law came into being in order to regulate all aspects of life and was ultimately to do away with the sin/crime dichotomy..Key words: Law, religión, sin, crime


Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Asensio Sánchez

Abstract: The preface to the French Civil Code of 1804 announced a New Order based on Right Reason and the political-legal values of the French Revolution, in an attempt to replace the role which churches had traditionally played in the morality of society. Moreover, the new civil law was presented as a substitute for moral law and religion with the aim of taking their place in that burgeoning society. One-dimensional law came into being in order to regulate all aspects of life and was ultimately to do away with the sin/crime dichotomy..Key words: Law, religión, sin, crime


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document