The Growth of Athenian Imperialism

1943 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 21-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Meiggs

By 446/5 the Delian League had become the Athenian empire. Peace had been made with Persia, but Athens had firmly retained her hold over the allies. More important, Sparta recognised the Athenian claim in the Thirty Years' Peace. ‘We will allow the cities their independence,’ Pericles could say on the eve of the Peloponnesian War, ‘if they were independent when we made peace.’ So much is clear, but the chronology and nature of the development of Athenian imperialism are both uncertain. We are coming to know or reasonably to guess considerably more of the decisive transition to empire following the Peace of Callias, but the imperial measures of those crowded years can only be appreciated in true perspective if we have a right understanding of the preceding period. The main purpose of this study is to re-examine the development of Athenian imperialism in the fifties.In his concise summary of Athens' rise to power, Thucydides emphasises the significance of the reduction of Naxos: to contemporaries Athenian action may have seemed less questionable. The Persian danger was still serious, and history had shown that the largest of the Cyclades might be a menace to the Greek cause, if it got into the wrong hands. Certainly the League was still popular after the collapse of Naxos, as Cimon's Eurymedon campaign clearly shows. From Caria to Pamphylia the Greek cities welcomed freedom from Persia and gladly entered the League: only at Phaselis was the show of pressure needed.

2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
VINCENT ROSIVACH

In the course of its history of the Athenian constitution, the Aristotelian Athēnaiōn Politeia describes Aristeides' leading role in organizing the Delian League, including his initial assessment of the contributions (phoros) paid by the League's members (Ath. Pol. 23.4–5). It then recounts his subsequent advice to the Athenians (24.1):Afterwards, as the polis was already growing bold and much money had been accumulated, his advice was to take over the leadership [of the League], and to come in from the fields and dwell in the urban centre [astu]; for there would be a living [trophē] for all – for those soldiering, for those standing guard, for those conducting public business – then in this way they would firmly hold onto their leadership.


Author(s):  
Lisa Kallet

The term “Pentecontaetia” refers both to the narrative in Thucydides’ History for the fifty-year period between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars, 478–431 bce (1.89–118) and to the historical period during that time. This chapter aims above all to further appreciation of how Thucydides understood this crucial period in Greek history that saw the emergence of the Athenian empire. Themes and emphases include the origins of the Delian League and the nature of the tributary empire; the Pentecontaetia and the “true cause” of the Peloponnesian War; the Samian Revolt; the emphases on criticism of chronology and omissions; the impact of the revolution in epigraphic dating; Persians and Thucydides; Athens, Sparta, and Corinth.


1993 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 152-157
Author(s):  
Antony G. Keen

Thucydides (ii 9.4) records among the allies of Athens in 431 ‘coastal Karia and the Dorians living near the Karians’. All Karia and Lykia had been brought into the Delian League after the campaigns of Kimon that culminated in the battle of the Eurymedon. A number of Karian towns then appeared in the tribute lists in the mid-fifth century, but disappeared again sometime after 440. The evidence of the tribute lists, however, presents a range of communities which were still paying during the Peloponnesian War, and to this can almost certainly be added Keramos, which paid tribute in 432/1 (IG i 280.i.31).


Axon ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Agrimonti

In the late summer of 426 BC, during the Peloponnesian War, the Athenian boule and demos passed this decree on the collection of the tribute paid by the cities of the Delian League. The main goal of this document was to ensure that the money paid by each city was successfully collected. The text is actually made of two different decrees, which the assembly approved on two successive days. The first one requires each city to select among its citizens a number of tribute collectors, which will be held responsible for the collection of the sum. Moreover, each year the names of the cities that have already paid and of those still owing money will be recorded, so that the names of the latter can be read in the assembly. A group of five Athenian citizens will visit them in order to claim the money owed. The second decree, voted on the second day, organises the judicial procedure against anyone, Athenian or ally, trying to prevent the regular collection of the tribute.


Author(s):  
Polly Low

This chapter explores the nature of the Athenian Empire (or Delian League) during the Peloponnesian War, discussing its administration, its finances (particularly the tribute and the tax on trade that replaced it), and the changes in its scale and ideology during this period. The final part of the chapter outlines other aspects of interstate conduct, especially attitudes to treaties and diplomacy. The non-Thucydidean evidence, both literary and (especially) epigraphic, for all of these themes is discussed, partly because Thucydides is not always the most detailed (or objective) source for these questions, and partly to draw attention to distinctive features of Thucydides’ analysis.


Author(s):  
Richard Foley

A woman glances at a broken clock and comes to believe it is a quarter past seven. Yet, despite the broken clock, it really does happen to be a quarter past seven. Her belief is true, but it isn't knowledge. This is a classic illustration of a central problem in epistemology: determining what knowledge requires in addition to true belief. This book finds a new solution to the problem in the observation that whenever someone has a true belief but not knowledge, there is some significant aspect of the situation about which she lacks true beliefs—something important that she doesn't quite “get.” This may seem a modest point but, as the book shows, it has the potential to reorient the theory of knowledge. Whether a true belief counts as knowledge depends on the importance of the information one does or doesn't have. This means that questions of knowledge cannot be separated from questions about human concerns and values. It also means that, contrary to what is often thought, there is no privileged way of coming to know. Knowledge is a mutt. Proper pedigree is not required. What matters is that one doesn't lack important nearby information. Challenging some of the central assumptions of contemporary epistemology, this is an original and important account of knowledge.


2018 ◽  
pp. 169-180
Author(s):  
Nikolai A. Zhirov ◽  

On September, 21-23, the I.A. Bunin Yelets State University, supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFFI), held an All-Russian scientific conference ‘In the time of change: Revolt, insurrection, and revolution in the Russian periphery in the 17th – early 20th centuries’. Scientists from various Russian regions participated in its work. The conference organizers focused on social conflicts in the Russian periphery. The first series of reports addressed the Age of Rebellions in the Russian history. They considered the role and the place of the service class people in anti-government revolts. Some scientists stressed the effect of official state policy on the revolutionary mood of the people. Some reports paid attention to jurisdictions and activities of the general police in the 19th – early 20th century and those of the Provisional Government militia. Other reports analyzed the participation of persons of non-peasant origin in the revolutionary events. They studied the effect of the revolutionary events on the mood and behavior of local people and the ways of solving conflicts between the authorities and the society. Most numerous series of reports were devoted to social conflicts in the Russian village at the turn of the 20th century, studied forms and ways of peasants' struggle against the extortionate cost of the emancipation, and offered a periodization of peasants' uprisings. The researchers stressed that peasants remained politically unmotivated; analysis of their relations with authorities shows that they were predominantly conservative and not prone to incitement to against monarchy. Some questions of source studies and methodology of studying the revolution and the preceding period were raised. Most researches used interdisciplinary methods, popular in modern humanities and historical science.


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