scholarly journals The Quranic Conditionally Pharyngealized Sounds: An Optimality Theory Perspective

Author(s):  
Fatima Abdullah Almousa ◽  
Faisal Muhammad Al-Mohanna

This paper investigates the Qur’ānic conditionally pharyngealized sounds which are /rʕ/, /l/, and /a:/. The Qur’ānic /rʕ/ sound undergoes a depharyngealization process. The Qur’ānic /l/ sound in the word Allah, on the other hand, exhibits pharyngealization, as does the Qur’ānic /a:/ sound. Hence, the study aims to provide a thorough examination of these phonological processes within the Optimality Theory framework. The study also attempts to answer the following questions: (1) What constraints are considered to account for the pharyngealization of the Qur’ānic sounds /l/ and /a:/ and the depharyngealization of the Qur’ānic sound /rʕ/ in the Holy Qur’ān? and (2) How does the grammar rank these constraints to achieve the pharyngealization of the Qur’ānic sounds /l/ and /a:/ and the depharyngealization of the Qur’ānic sound /rʕ/ in the Holy Qur’ān? Both questions have been fully addressed. In addition, this study has proven that the pharyngealized /rʕ/ is the underlying representation of the Qur’ānic alveolar trill sound. This was achieved by demonstrating [rʕ] and [r] allophones environments. Also, the study has shown that the pharyngealized [lʕ] and the non-pharyngealized [l] in the word Allah are comparable to the dark /l/ in English. The Qur’anic /a:/ acquires the [RTR] feature from the preceding pharyngealized sound where it spreads its [RTR] feature rightward to the /a:/. The study concludes that the constraint-based analysis could provide a plausible accounted for examining these phonological processes in the Holy Qur’ān.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatima Abdullah Almousa ◽  
Faisal M. Al-Mohanna

This paper investigates the Qur’ānic conditionally pharyngealized sounds which are /rʕ/, /l/, and /a:/. The Qur’ānic /rʕ/ sound undergoes a depharyngealization process. The Qur’ānic /l/ sound in the word Allah, on the other hand, exhibits pharyngealization, as does the Qur’ānic /a:/ sound. Hence, the study aims to provide a thorough examination of these phonological processes within the Optimality Theory framework. The study also attempts to answer the following questions: (1) What constraints are considered to account for the pharyngealization of the Qur’ānic sounds /l/ and /a:/ and the depharyngealization of the Qur’ānic sound /rʕ/ in the Holy Qur’ān? and (2) How does the grammar rank these constraints to achieve the pharyngealization of the Qur’ānic sounds /l/ and /a:/ and the depharyngealization of the Qur’ānic sound /rʕ/ in the Holy Qur’ān? Both questions have been fully addressed. In addition, this study has proven that the pharyngealized /rʕ/ is the underlying representation of the Qur’ānic alveolar trill sound. This was achieved by demonstrating [rʕ] and [r] allophones environments. Also, the study has shown that the pharyngealized [lʕ] and the non-pharyngealized [l] in the word Allah are comparable to the dark /l/ in English. The Qur’anic /a:/ acquires the [RTR] feature from the preceding pharyngealized sound where it spreads its [RTR] feature rightward to the /a:/. The study concludes that the constraint-based analysis could provide a plausible accounted for examining these phonological processes in the Holy Qur’ān.


Author(s):  
Sonia Colina

AbstractIn recent years a sizable number of morphophonological phenomena have attracted considerable attention from Spanish phonologists. This article presents a current view of the controversies within the context of two recurring topics: the validity of morphophonological generalizations and the interaction of morphological and phonological processes. Some of the processes discussed are velar and coronal softening, diphthongization, word-classes, stem formatives, nasal depalatalization, diminutive formation and the nature of final -e. It is shown that some phenomena cannot be said to be synchronically active (i.e. coronal and velar softening, final epenthesis, diphthongization, and depalatalization), consisting instead of lexicalized alternants. Plural epenthesis, on the other hand, is argued (contra Bonet) to be an active phenomenon. Pluralization and diminutive formation are said to be morphophonological, not just phonological. Finally, the article addresses the connection between the interaction of morphological and phonological processes to the design of the morphophonological component of the grammar, introducing the issue of a derivational element in non-derivational models of phonology.


Phonology ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Avery ◽  
Keren Rice

Ponapean, Catalan and English provide strong evidence that the Coronal node must be absent in underlying representation. In none of these languages are coronals distinguished by a secondary content node, and thus the NAC does not force the presence of a Coronal node. As expected, phonological processes separate the coronals from the other places of articulation in these languages.


Author(s):  
Mufleh Salem M. Alqahtani

AbstractThis paper sheds light on the treatment of initial gemination in Qassimi Arabic (QA), a Najdi dialect spoken in the Al-Qassim region in central Saudi Arabia, within the framework of Parallelism, an Optimality Theory (OT) model. The study concludes that initial geminates, which are non-actual surface forms in QA, result from the assimilation of the prefix /t-/ to stem-initial consonants of Arabic verb forms II and III, as well as hollow verbs, to avoid violation of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP). On the other hand, initial semisyllables, as moraic consonants, originate from initial gemination and consequently motivate prosthesis; that is, the purpose of prosthesis is to affiliate a semisyllable to the syllable node without causing violation of the Strict Layer Hypothesis (SLH). Sequences of assimilation of prefix /t-/ plus prosthesis do not occur simultaneously, whereas regressive assimilation feeds the prosthetic vowel [i], which, in turn, feeds the prosthetic glottal stop [ʔ] to concur with the Onset Principle. These sequences thus indicate transparent rule interactions, that is, feeding. Parallel OT is then successfully utilized to account for this type of phonological derivation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 328-355
Author(s):  
Kees Hengeveld ◽  
Rafael Fischer

Abstract The aim of this paper is to show how the TAME system of A'ingae, a language isolate spoken in Colombia and Ecuador, can be captured within the theoretical framework of Functional Discourse Grammar. An important prediction in this theory is that the surface order of TAME expressions reflects the scope relations between them in their underlying representation. An initial analysis reveals that, with three exceptions, the A'ingae TAME system confirms this prediction. Closer inspection of the three exceptions, which concern basic illocution, evidentiality, and quantificational aspect, then reveals that on the one hand, the theoretical model has to be adapted, while on the other hand some of the A'ingae facts allow for an alternative interpretation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Muryy ◽  
Andrew Glennerster

AbstractThe way people choose routes through unfamiliar environments provides clues about the underlying representation they use. One way to test the nature of observers’ representation is to manipulate the structure of the scene as they move through it and measure which aspects of performance are significantly affected and which are not. We recorded the routes that participants took in virtual mazes to reach previously-viewed targets. The mazes were either physically realizable or impossible (the latter contained ‘wormholes’ that altered the layout of the scene without any visible change at that moment). We found that participants could usually find the shortest route between remembered objects even in physically impossible environments, despite the gross failures in pointing that an earlier study showed are evident in the physically impossible environment. In the physically impossible conditions, the choice made at a junction was influenced to a greater extent by whether that choice had, in the past, led to the discovery of a target (compared to a shortest-distance prediction). In the physically realizable mazes, on the other hand, junction choices were determined more by the shortest distance to the target. This pattern of results is compatible with the idea of a graph-like representation of space that can include information about previous success or failure for traversing each edge and also information about the distance between nodes. Our results suggest that complexity of the maze may dictate which of these is more important in influencing navigational choices.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-126
Author(s):  
Jerzy Rubach ◽  
Tomasz Łuszczek

This paper is a report on the phonological research done in the past two years investigating Podhale Goralian. The data are drawn from our informants in Dzianisz. The paper establishes the system of surface contrasts in Goralian and identifies instances of complementary distribution. It is claimed that the renowned Podhale Archaism is no longer represented by the vowel [i]. Rather, the vowel has retracted to the central vowel [ɨ]. The original [ɨ], on the other hand, has lowered and fronted and is now best regarded as tense [e]. These transitions of vowels pose challenges for a phonological analysis. A sample of such analysis (Final Tensing) is shown in the framework of Optimality Theory.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Bucci

AbstractCoratino is a dialect spoken in the region of Puglia, in which there is a process of vowel reduction: all unstressed vowels except /a/ are reduced to schwa. However, this reduction does not happen when a vowel is adjacent to a consonant that shares a melody element, such as palatality for front vowels and velarity or labiality for back vowels. In addition, the ATR property of the mid vowels alternates: stressed /ε,ɔ/ are realized as [e,o] in unstressed positions, and /o,ɔ/ surface as [u] only when the adjacent consonant is velar. The analysis of this alternation is based on a version of Element Theory, and also on the licensing constraints that on the one hand define the specific choice a language makes among the combinatory possibilities, and on the other hand play a role in defining the properties of the phonological processes in the language.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Nevins

The Variable Hierarchy hypothesis of Dresher (2009) has a number of far-reaching consequences and applications – beyond the domain for which it was originally developed – including overspecification, kinship terminology, vowel reduction and whistled languages. On the other hand, the Contrastivity-Only Hypothesis of Dresher (2009) is, in its present form, empirically too limited once one looks at a full system of phonological processes within a language, and some reference to noncontrastive features seems inevitable. However, I outline a possible set of diagnostics and distinctions that might allow one to localize and limit the reference to noncontrastive features.


2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 689-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANCESC TORRES-TAMARIT

This paper examines a metaphonic chain shift in Servigliano (Italo-Romance), in which /ɛ, ɔ/ raise to [e, o] and /e, o/ raise to [i, u] when stressed and followed by inflectional /i, u/. The paper also explores pre-tonic metaphony, whereby /ɛ, ɔ/ raise all the way up to [i, u] when followed by a stressed high vowel. First, an analysis of the data is developed using Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC), taking as a starting point the parallel OT analysis developed in Mascaró (2011). Second, it is shown that OT-CC causes one analytical problem and no gain in terms of economy. On the one hand, the metaphony-triggering constraint Agree(+high,+ATR) proposed in Mascaró (2011) needs to be split into two different constraints, one of which needs a more complicated formulation that requires a conditional clause. On the other hand, positional faithfulness is needed, as in the parallel OT analysis by Mascaró (2011b), to explain the asymmetry between one-step metaphony and fell-swoop pre-tonic metaphony; OT-CC provides no inherent advantage in explaining this asymmetry.


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