scholarly journals WORD ORDER AND CONSTITUENCY OF SERIAL VERB CONSTRUCTIONS

2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-151
Author(s):  
Yongzhong Yang

Abstract The goal of this paper is to provide a unified account of word order and constituency of serial verb constructions (SVCs) in the framework of generative grammar. It is argued that both SVO-type and SOV-type SVCs follow the Temporal Iconicity, which is associated with the asymmetric nature of syntactic structure, i.e. V1 or VP1 c-commands V2 or VP2 asymmetrically. Based on this argument, an analysis for the derivation of SVCs - Inter-VP Asymmetrical C-command Analysis - is proposed to account for the derivation of SVCs in various languages. It is argued that in the SVC there exists a null predicate and a null argument, the occurrence or non-occurrence of which gives rise to different types of SVCs. Furthermore, left peripheral deletion (LPD) triggers the movement of VP1’s Spec to [Spec IP] and the occurrence of VP2’s Spec as pro, as a result of which VP1 asymmetrically c-commands VP2. Object gapping triggers the ATB movement of VP2 to generate various types of SVCs. The differences between coordinative constructions, pivotal constructions and SVCs lie in their internal structure but not in the verb position.

Serial Verbs ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 55-91
Author(s):  
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald

In terms of their composition, serial verb constructions divide into asymmetrical and symmetrical. Asymmetrical serial verbs consist of a minor component from a closed class of verbs, and a major component from an open class; this is the head of the construction. Symmetrical serial verbs consist of several components from open classes. Asymmetrical serial verb constructions cover a wide array of meanings—direction and orientation, aspect, extent and change of state, associated posture and motion, increasing and reducing valency, and marking the index of comparison. They are also used as complementation strategies with secondary concept verbs and with complement-taking verbs, and mark manner modification in event-argument constructions. The recurrent meanings of symmetrical serial verbs cover cause-effect, result, and manner, in addition to synonymous verb constructions. The established properties of asymmetrical and symmetrical serial verbs are defined in terms of their meanings, iconicity, internal structure, and grammaticalization and lexicalization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Shluinsky

AbstractThis article presents the results of an intragenetic crosslinguistic study of serial verb constructions (SVCs) in Kwa. Based on a sample of 28 Kwa languages, the article examines the crucial morphosyntactic features of Kwa SVCs and the range of meanings of the two most common grammaticalized types of Kwa SVCs, ‘take’ and ‘give’ SVCs. The morphosyntactic features of SVCs considered include unity of subject, unity of TAM, unity of negation, and absence of an overt marker of a syntactic relation. The three types of ‘take’ SVCs – lative ‘take’ SVCs, instrumental ‘take’ SVCs, and objectal ‘take’ SVCs – are treated separately. Uses of different types of ‘take’ SVCs and of ‘give’ SVCs turn out to be subject to implicational cross-Kwa restrictions that are formulated via hierarchies or semantic maps. Significant crosslinguistic variation is discovered, and it is argued that sometimes the similarities between Kwa languages can be most naturally explained by independent development.


Phonology ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Kügler

This paper examines phonological phrasing in the Kwa language Akan. Regressive [+ATR] vowel harmony between words (RVH) serves as a hitherto unreported diagnostic of phonological phrasing. In this paper I discuss VP-internal and NP-internal structures, as well as SVO(O) and serial verb constructions. RVH is a general process in Akan grammar, although it is blocked in certain contexts. The analysis of phonological phrasing relies on universal syntax–phonology mapping constraints whereby lexically headed syntactic phrases are mapped onto phonological phrases. Blocking contexts call for a domain-sensitive analysis of RVH assuming recursive prosodic structure which makes reference to maximal and non-maximal phonological phrases. It is proposed (i) that phonological phrase structure is isomorphic to syntactic structure in Akan, and (ii) that the process of RVH is blocked at the edge of a maximal phonological phrase; this is formulated in terms of a domain-sensitive CrispEdge constraint.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 1221
Author(s):  
Chikelu Ihunanya Ezenwafor

In languages, different criteria are often adopted in the classification of the verb category many of which are language specific or universal. Etulo makes a distinction between simple and complex predicates. This work discusses serial verb construction (SVC) as a type of complex predicate using the typological criteria proposed in Aikhenvald (2006). Etulo SVCs have diverse semantic and grammatical functions. They express benefactive, instrumental, comparative meaning, as well as prepositional and adverbial notions indicating direction using motion verbs. Different types of serial verb constructions (SVCs) are established: the symmetric vs asymmetric type, contiguous vs non-contiguous, and the optional vs obligatory type. The SVC is further distinguished from a similar multi-verb construction known as the consecutive construction.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-44
Author(s):  
Johannes Hein ◽  
Andrew Murphy

The Final-over-Final Condition has emerged as a robust and explanatory generalization for a wide range of phenomena (Biberauer et. al. 2014; Sheehan et al. 2017). In this paper, we argue that it also holds in another domain, nominalization. In languages which show overt nominalization of VPs, we find that one word order is routinely unattested, namely a head-initial VP with a suffixal nominalizer. This typological gap can be accounted for by the FOFC, if we allow it to hold within mixed extended projections. Furthermore, we show that this view also makes correct predictions about agentive nominalizations, as well as nominalized serial verb constructions.


Serial Verbs ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 143-163
Author(s):  
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald

A single language can have more than one kind of serial verb construction. Serial verbs may differ along the parameters of wordhood and contiguity. Different types of serial verbs may differ in their meanings and the degree of their grammaticalization or lexicalization. The closer the components are in surface structure, the more likely they are to grammaticalize or to lexicalize, and the more restrictions they will display. We expect single-word serial verbs to be more cohesive in their semantics than multi-word serial verbs, in accordance with the principle of iconic motivation. Semantic groups of verbs which are likely to occur in serial verb constructions form a hierarchy, with verbs of direction and motion being most likely, and stative verbs the least likely to occur. If a language has serial verb constructions, we expect directional serial verbs to develop before any other type. All the languages with symmetrical serial verbs also have asymmetrical ones.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralf Naumann ◽  
Thomas Gamerschlag

Based on both syntactic and semantic criteria, Stewart (2001) and, following him, Baker and Stewart (1999), distinguish two types of serial verb constructions (SVC) and one type of covert coordination (CC) in Edo. In this article, we present an analysis of these constructions, using Type Logical Grammar (TLG) with an event-based semantic component. We choose as base logic the non-associative Lambek calculus augmented with two unary multiplicative connectives (NL(◊, □)). SVCs and CCs are interpreted as complex event structures. The complex predicates underlying these structures are derived from simple verbs by means of a constructor. SVCs and CCs differ in terms of which part of the complex event structure is denoted. For SVCs, this is the sum of all events in the structure whereas for a CC this is only the first event in the sequence. The two verbs in an SVC and a CC are treated asymmetrically by assuming that the first verb has an extended subcategorization frame. The additional argument is of type vp (possibly modally decorated). Constraints on word order and the realization of arguments are accounted for using structural rules like permutation and contraction. The application of these rules is enforced by making use of the unary connectives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Michael Herweg

AbstractThis paper offers a frame-semantic account of some of the manifold phenomena that can be observed in motion expressions in typologically diverse languages. The core of the proposed approach is a basic locomotion frame complemented with a mechanism of profiling that operates on this frame. The locomotion frame provides a rich structure which features the pivotal elements beneficial for the semantic representation of different types of motion descriptions. The profiling mechanism allows one to select, deselect and augment elements of this frame structure, as well as to specify significant relations between distinct parts of the frame. With these means, the profiling mechanism facilitates fine-grained differentiations among motion verbs that considerably exceed the classic dichotomy of path and manner-of-motion verbs. The proposed theory is applied to different kinds of path and manner-of-motion verbs, including those typically found in path-dominant and manner-dominant languages, as well as in languages which exhibit a pronounced diversity of motion verbs lined up in serial verb constructions. The suggested frame-semantic analyses thus reveal intricate differentiations in a multifaceted linguistic domain.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-234
Author(s):  
Alexander Angsongna

Abstract The Serial Verb Construction (SVC) phenomenon is widely researched across many languages. It is generally regarded as a construction in which two or more verbs share the same arguments within a single clause. The verbs in the series must share some grammatical properties such as tense, aspect and polarity. However, there is a verb sequence construction in Dàgáárè that shows apparent similarities to SVCs but with different values for aspect on the verbs. This paper investigates the internal structure of Dàgáárè SVCs and other verb sequence constructions such as multi-aspectual constructions (MACs) and coordinate structures. Applying a variety of syntactic and semantic tests, the paper distinguishes SVCs from MACs and coordination and shows the relation between MACs and coordination. Based on the results of the tests, I argue that although MACs have some properties of SVCs, they are not SVCs. Rather; I conclude that MACs pattern with coordination or covert coordination in Dàgáárè and they are perceived to express distinct events.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yu-Ching Tseng

This research paper provides a meaning-based account to examining Hakka syntactic constructions that comprise multiple verbs in their scope. The investigation is based on an interdisciplinary approach from the interface of syntax and semantics. The paper is organized into two main parts. The first part of this paper claims that the prototypical construction of the serial verb construction is a syntactic configuration that contains two verbs in the same clause, indicating two interdependent subevents happening at close time intervals. In addition, the paper proposes that greater distance in structural and semantic interdependence between the two verbs forms a gradation deviating from the prototype. In this part, a prototype model, rather than a criterial attribute model, is adopted to define the Hakka serial verb construction (SVC). The second part of paper provides a typological study that classifies the Hakka SVCs into subtypes based on the syntactic structure and the semantic relationship of the component verbs. Syntactic tests are used to test the clausehood of the multi-verb constructions identified in this part.


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