scholarly journals Belt And Road Initiative and Turkey China Relationships Through Soft Power Concept

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (39) ◽  
pp. 750-776
Author(s):  
Mehmet Ali KOÇAKOĞLU
Author(s):  
Adnan Khalaf i Hammed Al-Badrani ◽  
Hind Ziyad Nafeih

The Belt and Road Initiative is an initiative to revive the ancient Silk Road, through networks of land and sea roads, oil and gas pipelines, electric power lines, the Internet and airports, to create a model of regional and international cooperation.       It is essentially a long-term development strategy, launched by the Chinese president in 2013 to become the main engine of Chinese domestic policy and foreign diplomacy and within the framework of the soft power strategy, to enhance its position and influence in the world as a peaceful and responsible country.   The study includes identifying the initiative and setting goals for China, as well as the challenges and difficulties that hinder the initiative.


Author(s):  
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard

AbstractThis piece examines and critiques the massive literature on China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It details how research currently seems stuck on the road to nowhere. In addition, it identifies a number of the potholes that collective research endeavors are hitting such as that they are poorly synchronized. It also stresses that lines of analysis are proliferating rather than optimizing, with studies broadening in thematic coverage, rather than becoming deeper. It points out that BRI participants are regularly related to the role of a bit player in many analyses and research often is disconnected from other literatures. Among other things, this article recommends analysts focus on the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) or Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) in specific regions or countries. It also argues for a research core that focuses on the implementation issue (i.e., the issue of MSRI and SREB project implementation), project effects (i.e., the economic and political costs and benefits of projects), and the translation issue (i.e., the domestic and foreign policy effects of projects) and does work that goes beyond the usual suspects. On a related note, research need to identify, more precisely, participants and projects, undertake causal analysis, and take into account countervailing factors. Furthermore, studies need to make more extensive use of the Chinese foreign policy literature. Moreover, works examining subjects like soft power need to improve variable conceptualization and operationalization and deliver more nuanced analyses. Finally, studies, especially by area specialists, should take the area, not the China, perspective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
Zahid Shahab AHMED ◽  
Ahsan HANIF ◽  
Baogang HE

This article conducts a case study of China’s influence on Pakistan by collecting and analysing news coverage from two prominent English and Urdu newspapers in Pakistan for a five-year period between 2013 and 2018. It compares the changes in newspaper reporting before and after the launch of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015. Analysis has shown a significant increase in positive reporting on the CPEC and China. The case of Pakistan is representative of its recognition of China’s soft power in a developing country, thus offering a new perspective on China’s goodwill vis-à-vis the Belt and Road Initiative.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Grossmann ◽  
Samuel Grossmann ◽  
Samuel Grossmann ◽  
Samuel Grossmann ◽  
Samuel Grossmann ◽  
...  

During the current political atmosphere in Europe with rising nationalism and the fact that for the first time in the EUs history a country plans to leave the union, Montenegro and Serbia still face lots of challenges before they will be able to become EU member states. Until then it is likely that they will continue to look for fast and, at least on the first look, uncomplicated and unproblematic financing methods. The low bureaucratic hurdles and the fast implementation of Chinese-backed infrastructure projects will continue to be a lucrative alternative to the funds provided by the EU. That these advantageous parameters are also caused by the bypassing of EU regulations, as well as national laws on tendering, procurement, safety or labor laws are partially circumvented. The 16+1 format could be a good way to coordinate these investment flows across European borders. But it also poses challenges to the cohesion of the EU as a whole through the growing influence of China through its financing activities and a wide range of other soft power activities in the East and Southeast European countries involved in the format.


Author(s):  
Matt McGregor

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is Chinese President Xi Jinping’s brand for economic infrastructure development and investment. The BRI offers significant strategic advantages to the PRC and many benefits to partner countries, and is intended to situate China at the centre of international trade. At the same time, unintended consequences of investment will impact local populations in key areas, including population displacement, environmental degradation, corruption, political upheaval, exploitation and violent conflict. While the BRI offers significant opportunities to both China and its partner countries in the initiative, relative Chinese military weakness, the limits of economic activity, underdeveloped soft power authority, energy dependency, terrorism and domestic politics will all either inhibit the BRI or remain vulnerable aspects of the Chinese national interest as projects move forward. The BRI has the potential to reshape the economic relations of the world, however the strategic limitations of the project do not indicate a short or mid-term upheaval of the international system in favor of China or an end to China’s political challenges at home and abroad. This essay views the realist and constructivist schools of international relations theory as the most useful way to understand the motivations and consequences of the BRI. The long term effects on the global balance of power will also be examined, especially in the context of Xi’s vision for China in 2050.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 374-400
Author(s):  
Edward Ashbee

Abstract Whereas the Obama administration had equivocated, the Trump White House declared its vehement opposition to the Belt and Road Initiative (bri). This shift went together with the Trump administration’s designation of the People’s Republic of China (prc) as a strategic competitor and a broader deterioration in bilateral relations. However, as it began to posit alternatives to the bri, the Trump administration fell back on the policy thinking of the established foreign policy community. In doing this, it tacitly accepted the importance of soft power and the adoption of strategies requiring close cooperation with allies and partners so as to develop regional infrastructural “connectivity” projects. The White House thereby stepped back from the unilateralism, “principled realism,” and reliance upon hard power that had defined Donald J. Trump’s 2015–2016 presidential campaign. Nonetheless, U.S. efforts to develop policy alternatives to the bri were limited, unstable, and variegated. The Trump administration’s actions in other policy arenas often stymied efforts to counter the prc and initiatives such as the build Act and “Prosper Africa” received scant resources. On the basis of this policy pattern, the article argues that policy communities at times can “harness” other counter-positioned, political currents, but ongoing ideational stresses and abrasion will inevitably characterize the process.


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