scholarly journals Community Forum on Education in Wellington's Eastern Suburbs: A Case Study on Choice and Democratic Community Participation in New Zealand Education Policy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ruth Lillian Mansell

<p>Two different ideologies were entwined in the revolutionary reforms of the New Zealand education system implemented in 1989. One was represented by a belief, long held in New Zealand, in democratic participation of communities in decisions that affect them, as a way of empowering diverse groups of people and promoting equity for minority and disadvantaged groups. The second was the free market neo-liberalism of the New Right which emphasised the rights and responsibilities of individual people to choose for themselves what they wanted. This belief is seen as an epiphyte growing vigorously onto the main trunk of democratic egalitarian ideals. The notion of choice seemed, in the initial rhetoric of the reforms, to span both beliefs in a way that represented a settlement of the two different ideals. Community Forums on Education was one of the new policies which seemed to meet both these ideals, providing a means for communities to affect decisions about education issues in their own district and for parents through their Board of Trustees to exercise their own choice for what kind of school they wanted. The way in which the two parts of the tree of education policy grew together is examined first through an analysis of the intentions of those who developed the policy for Community Forums on Education, and then in a case study of the implementation of the policy in the third of the Forums which took place in the Eastern Suburbs of Wellington in 1990. The perceptions of some of the participants in this Forum are reported and analysed. Tensions and conflicts between the two ideals are revealed in both the process and the outcomes of this Forum, as the participants discover that the simple market understanding of choice is increasingly favoured by the politicians who still make the final decisions. The participants describe the conditions which they believe are needed for the more complex democratic community participation to succeed. Their growing frustration and disillusionment is described as they discover that political imperatives for quick decisions, tighter central control, and constrained resources ensure these conditions are not met. This Forum is perceived by many to have given the choice to the already privileged minority, who have advantages of time, access to information, confidence in the language of the market and money. In the light of this Forum, I consider in the concluding section the relationship and interaction between two interpretations of democracy - 'strong' democracy characterised by community participation and 'thin' democracy extolling individual freedom of choice. The question that is raised is whether it is possible, under a New Right regime committed to individual freedom of choice, for the conditions necessary for democratic participation to flourish.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ruth Lillian Mansell

<p>Two different ideologies were entwined in the revolutionary reforms of the New Zealand education system implemented in 1989. One was represented by a belief, long held in New Zealand, in democratic participation of communities in decisions that affect them, as a way of empowering diverse groups of people and promoting equity for minority and disadvantaged groups. The second was the free market neo-liberalism of the New Right which emphasised the rights and responsibilities of individual people to choose for themselves what they wanted. This belief is seen as an epiphyte growing vigorously onto the main trunk of democratic egalitarian ideals. The notion of choice seemed, in the initial rhetoric of the reforms, to span both beliefs in a way that represented a settlement of the two different ideals. Community Forums on Education was one of the new policies which seemed to meet both these ideals, providing a means for communities to affect decisions about education issues in their own district and for parents through their Board of Trustees to exercise their own choice for what kind of school they wanted. The way in which the two parts of the tree of education policy grew together is examined first through an analysis of the intentions of those who developed the policy for Community Forums on Education, and then in a case study of the implementation of the policy in the third of the Forums which took place in the Eastern Suburbs of Wellington in 1990. The perceptions of some of the participants in this Forum are reported and analysed. Tensions and conflicts between the two ideals are revealed in both the process and the outcomes of this Forum, as the participants discover that the simple market understanding of choice is increasingly favoured by the politicians who still make the final decisions. The participants describe the conditions which they believe are needed for the more complex democratic community participation to succeed. Their growing frustration and disillusionment is described as they discover that political imperatives for quick decisions, tighter central control, and constrained resources ensure these conditions are not met. This Forum is perceived by many to have given the choice to the already privileged minority, who have advantages of time, access to information, confidence in the language of the market and money. In the light of this Forum, I consider in the concluding section the relationship and interaction between two interpretations of democracy - 'strong' democracy characterised by community participation and 'thin' democracy extolling individual freedom of choice. The question that is raised is whether it is possible, under a New Right regime committed to individual freedom of choice, for the conditions necessary for democratic participation to flourish.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Allan Kalapa Mbita

<p>In the past two decades economic theories of the 'market' have permeated economic and social sector policies of both developed and developing countries. Market mechanisms have become the main policy option upon which economic and social sector reforms, including tertiary education, have been premised. In this study I have compared trends in contemporary tertiary education policy of two countries: Zambia and New Zealand. Prior to 1980 in both countries education was predominantly a public monopoly and free at all levels. However, in the late 1980s and early 1990s New Zealand and Zambia respectively embarked on radical economic and social sector reforms based on the competitive market model. I have argued that market mechanisms in education policy of both Zambia and New Zealand had their origins in economic theories of the competitive market. These theories gained popularity at a time when countries were going through unprecedented economic difficulties. Thus, although on the surface competitive market policies would seem to suggest that the aim of government was to improve efficiency and accountability and to increase equity and equality of opportunities in tertiary institutions, under conditions of increasing demand on declining public resources and at a time when demand for tertiary education was increasing, it would appear that the long-term intentions of governments in both countries were to reduce public appropriation to tertiary education by transferring part of the responsibility of funding education to institutions themselves and to the beneficiaries of tertiary education. I have also argued that because New Zealand already had a prolific education system in place and a comprehensive student support system it was in a better position to operate its tertiary education system along free market lines. An under-developed tertiary education sector and lack of comprehensive student-aid packages in Zambia have meant that the implementation of market-oriented policies in tertiary education are likely to impact more negatively on the students, education institutions and Zambian society in general.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 275
Author(s):  
Pedro Patacho ◽  
Jurjo Torres Santomé

A participação das famílias e da comunidade foi um dos dois argumentos em que se apoiou o regime de autonomia, administração e gestão das escolas aprovado em Portugal em 2008. Contudo, não existe evidência de que esta participação esteja a contribuir para introduzir melhorias significativas nas escolas. O presente artigo emerge de um estudo de casos mais amplo que analisou a participação das famílias em dois agrupamentos de escolas dos subúrbios de Lisboa, ambos com boa reputação na comunidade, mas bastante diferentes relativamente às variáveis de contexto. Foram aplicados 438 questionários a pais e mães, 122 questionários a docentes da Educação Básica, e foram realizadas 20 entrevistas semiestruturadas com diversos participantes. Os resultados evidenciam sobretudo uma visão conservadora da educação escolar e uma contradição entre a retórica e a prática da participação democrática, parecendo esta constituir o mero cumprimento de um formalismo legal. Palavras-chave: Participação das famílias e da comunidade; Escola democrática; Justiça social; Autonomia escolar ABSTRACTThe participation of the families and the community was one of the two arguments underlying the Portuguese school governance model approved in 2008. However, there is no evidence that this participation has contributed to significant improvements in schools. This article emerges from a larger case study that analyzed the participation of families in two school clusters in the suburbs of Lisbon, both with a good reputation in the community, but quite different regarding the context variables. 438 questionnaires were applied to families, 122 to teachers, and 20 semi-structured interviews were conducted with several participants. Results show, above all, a conservative vision of education and a marked contradiction between the rhetoric and the practice of democratic participation, which seems to constitute the mere fulfillment of a legal formalism.Keywords: Family and community participation; Democratic school; Social justice; School autonomy 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Allan Kalapa Mbita

<p>In the past two decades economic theories of the 'market' have permeated economic and social sector policies of both developed and developing countries. Market mechanisms have become the main policy option upon which economic and social sector reforms, including tertiary education, have been premised. In this study I have compared trends in contemporary tertiary education policy of two countries: Zambia and New Zealand. Prior to 1980 in both countries education was predominantly a public monopoly and free at all levels. However, in the late 1980s and early 1990s New Zealand and Zambia respectively embarked on radical economic and social sector reforms based on the competitive market model. I have argued that market mechanisms in education policy of both Zambia and New Zealand had their origins in economic theories of the competitive market. These theories gained popularity at a time when countries were going through unprecedented economic difficulties. Thus, although on the surface competitive market policies would seem to suggest that the aim of government was to improve efficiency and accountability and to increase equity and equality of opportunities in tertiary institutions, under conditions of increasing demand on declining public resources and at a time when demand for tertiary education was increasing, it would appear that the long-term intentions of governments in both countries were to reduce public appropriation to tertiary education by transferring part of the responsibility of funding education to institutions themselves and to the beneficiaries of tertiary education. I have also argued that because New Zealand already had a prolific education system in place and a comprehensive student support system it was in a better position to operate its tertiary education system along free market lines. An under-developed tertiary education sector and lack of comprehensive student-aid packages in Zambia have meant that the implementation of market-oriented policies in tertiary education are likely to impact more negatively on the students, education institutions and Zambian society in general.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 477-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALED DAVIES ◽  
JAMES FREEMAN ◽  
HUGH PEMBERTON

AbstractIt is widely recognized that ‘the individual’ was prioritized by the Thatcher governments. However, there has been little analysis by historians of exactly how the Thatcher government conceptualized ‘the individual’. In this article, we attempt to remedy this deficiency by undertaking a case-study of a key Thatcherite social policy reform: the introduction of ‘personal pensions’. This approach allows us to understand the position of ‘the individual’ on the functional level of Thatcherite policy-making. In doing so, we argue that there was no coherent or fixed Thatcherite concept of the individual. Instead, we identify three fundamental tensions: (i) should individuals be capitalists or consumers; (ii) were they rational or irrational; and (iii) should they be risk-taking entrepreneurs or prudent savers? This reflected, in part, conflicts within the diverse tapestry of post-war neoliberal thought. We demonstrate in this article that these tensions undermined the Thatcher governments’ original attempt to create a society of entrepreneurial investor-capitalists, which in turn cemented their preference for simply maximizing individual freedom of choice within a competitive – yet tightly regulated – market environment.


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