scholarly journals Vision for Tertiary Education Under Free Market Policies: A Comparative Analysis of Contemporary Tertiary Education Policy of Zambia and New Zealand

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Allan Kalapa Mbita

<p>In the past two decades economic theories of the 'market' have permeated economic and social sector policies of both developed and developing countries. Market mechanisms have become the main policy option upon which economic and social sector reforms, including tertiary education, have been premised. In this study I have compared trends in contemporary tertiary education policy of two countries: Zambia and New Zealand. Prior to 1980 in both countries education was predominantly a public monopoly and free at all levels. However, in the late 1980s and early 1990s New Zealand and Zambia respectively embarked on radical economic and social sector reforms based on the competitive market model. I have argued that market mechanisms in education policy of both Zambia and New Zealand had their origins in economic theories of the competitive market. These theories gained popularity at a time when countries were going through unprecedented economic difficulties. Thus, although on the surface competitive market policies would seem to suggest that the aim of government was to improve efficiency and accountability and to increase equity and equality of opportunities in tertiary institutions, under conditions of increasing demand on declining public resources and at a time when demand for tertiary education was increasing, it would appear that the long-term intentions of governments in both countries were to reduce public appropriation to tertiary education by transferring part of the responsibility of funding education to institutions themselves and to the beneficiaries of tertiary education. I have also argued that because New Zealand already had a prolific education system in place and a comprehensive student support system it was in a better position to operate its tertiary education system along free market lines. An under-developed tertiary education sector and lack of comprehensive student-aid packages in Zambia have meant that the implementation of market-oriented policies in tertiary education are likely to impact more negatively on the students, education institutions and Zambian society in general.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Allan Kalapa Mbita

<p>In the past two decades economic theories of the 'market' have permeated economic and social sector policies of both developed and developing countries. Market mechanisms have become the main policy option upon which economic and social sector reforms, including tertiary education, have been premised. In this study I have compared trends in contemporary tertiary education policy of two countries: Zambia and New Zealand. Prior to 1980 in both countries education was predominantly a public monopoly and free at all levels. However, in the late 1980s and early 1990s New Zealand and Zambia respectively embarked on radical economic and social sector reforms based on the competitive market model. I have argued that market mechanisms in education policy of both Zambia and New Zealand had their origins in economic theories of the competitive market. These theories gained popularity at a time when countries were going through unprecedented economic difficulties. Thus, although on the surface competitive market policies would seem to suggest that the aim of government was to improve efficiency and accountability and to increase equity and equality of opportunities in tertiary institutions, under conditions of increasing demand on declining public resources and at a time when demand for tertiary education was increasing, it would appear that the long-term intentions of governments in both countries were to reduce public appropriation to tertiary education by transferring part of the responsibility of funding education to institutions themselves and to the beneficiaries of tertiary education. I have also argued that because New Zealand already had a prolific education system in place and a comprehensive student support system it was in a better position to operate its tertiary education system along free market lines. An under-developed tertiary education sector and lack of comprehensive student-aid packages in Zambia have meant that the implementation of market-oriented policies in tertiary education are likely to impact more negatively on the students, education institutions and Zambian society in general.</p>


Subject Education and skills policy in New Zealand. Significance Teacher unrest including strikes, the next possible tranche in February 2019, have added urgency to the government's education system revamp for pre-school to universities to ready students for a changing workplace that is demanding different skillsets. Impacts Teacher shortages will make it harder to tackle falls in children's international comparative achievement rankings. Fewer foreign students will mean compounding tertiary education funding shortfalls. The government's education reform plan implies substantial funding increases, posing fiscal issues for the early 2020s.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ruth Lillian Mansell

<p>Two different ideologies were entwined in the revolutionary reforms of the New Zealand education system implemented in 1989. One was represented by a belief, long held in New Zealand, in democratic participation of communities in decisions that affect them, as a way of empowering diverse groups of people and promoting equity for minority and disadvantaged groups. The second was the free market neo-liberalism of the New Right which emphasised the rights and responsibilities of individual people to choose for themselves what they wanted. This belief is seen as an epiphyte growing vigorously onto the main trunk of democratic egalitarian ideals. The notion of choice seemed, in the initial rhetoric of the reforms, to span both beliefs in a way that represented a settlement of the two different ideals. Community Forums on Education was one of the new policies which seemed to meet both these ideals, providing a means for communities to affect decisions about education issues in their own district and for parents through their Board of Trustees to exercise their own choice for what kind of school they wanted. The way in which the two parts of the tree of education policy grew together is examined first through an analysis of the intentions of those who developed the policy for Community Forums on Education, and then in a case study of the implementation of the policy in the third of the Forums which took place in the Eastern Suburbs of Wellington in 1990. The perceptions of some of the participants in this Forum are reported and analysed. Tensions and conflicts between the two ideals are revealed in both the process and the outcomes of this Forum, as the participants discover that the simple market understanding of choice is increasingly favoured by the politicians who still make the final decisions. The participants describe the conditions which they believe are needed for the more complex democratic community participation to succeed. Their growing frustration and disillusionment is described as they discover that political imperatives for quick decisions, tighter central control, and constrained resources ensure these conditions are not met. This Forum is perceived by many to have given the choice to the already privileged minority, who have advantages of time, access to information, confidence in the language of the market and money. In the light of this Forum, I consider in the concluding section the relationship and interaction between two interpretations of democracy - 'strong' democracy characterised by community participation and 'thin' democracy extolling individual freedom of choice. The question that is raised is whether it is possible, under a New Right regime committed to individual freedom of choice, for the conditions necessary for democratic participation to flourish.</p>


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill English

In this article Bill English, New Zealand's Shadow Minister for Education, tells the story of New Zealand's tertiary education policy development over the past several years. His perspective comes from time in government and from time in opposition. He concludes with the lessons to be learnt, and his prognosis of the main issues to be confronted by that tertiary sector, in the years to come. The lessons to be learnt are just as valuable for the Australian sector as they are for New Zealand academicians.In this article, Polytechnics are the equivalent of the old Colleges of Advanced Education in Australia, or roughly between the TAFE and university sectors. MMP (mixed member proportional) is the proportional system of electing the New Zealand Parliament. This system is similar to the method by which Australians elect their federal Senate. A Wananga is a tertiary institution set up by statute to focus on the educational needs of Maori.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ruth Lillian Mansell

<p>Two different ideologies were entwined in the revolutionary reforms of the New Zealand education system implemented in 1989. One was represented by a belief, long held in New Zealand, in democratic participation of communities in decisions that affect them, as a way of empowering diverse groups of people and promoting equity for minority and disadvantaged groups. The second was the free market neo-liberalism of the New Right which emphasised the rights and responsibilities of individual people to choose for themselves what they wanted. This belief is seen as an epiphyte growing vigorously onto the main trunk of democratic egalitarian ideals. The notion of choice seemed, in the initial rhetoric of the reforms, to span both beliefs in a way that represented a settlement of the two different ideals. Community Forums on Education was one of the new policies which seemed to meet both these ideals, providing a means for communities to affect decisions about education issues in their own district and for parents through their Board of Trustees to exercise their own choice for what kind of school they wanted. The way in which the two parts of the tree of education policy grew together is examined first through an analysis of the intentions of those who developed the policy for Community Forums on Education, and then in a case study of the implementation of the policy in the third of the Forums which took place in the Eastern Suburbs of Wellington in 1990. The perceptions of some of the participants in this Forum are reported and analysed. Tensions and conflicts between the two ideals are revealed in both the process and the outcomes of this Forum, as the participants discover that the simple market understanding of choice is increasingly favoured by the politicians who still make the final decisions. The participants describe the conditions which they believe are needed for the more complex democratic community participation to succeed. Their growing frustration and disillusionment is described as they discover that political imperatives for quick decisions, tighter central control, and constrained resources ensure these conditions are not met. This Forum is perceived by many to have given the choice to the already privileged minority, who have advantages of time, access to information, confidence in the language of the market and money. In the light of this Forum, I consider in the concluding section the relationship and interaction between two interpretations of democracy - 'strong' democracy characterised by community participation and 'thin' democracy extolling individual freedom of choice. The question that is raised is whether it is possible, under a New Right regime committed to individual freedom of choice, for the conditions necessary for democratic participation to flourish.</p>


1970 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigel Haworth ◽  
Stephen Hughes

In November 1994, the Governing body of the International Labour Organisation (the ILO) received the 295th Report of its Committee on Freedom of Association. Among the reports on complaints against the governments of Cameroon, Myanmar, Guatemala and others were the recommendations drawn from the Final Report on the February 1993 New Zealand Council of Trade Unions (the NZCTU) complaint against the government of New Zealand. The complaint, its processing and the Final Report have attracted great interest not only in New Zealand but also on the international stage, where the substance of the complaint and the manner of its receipt by the New Zealand government has created widespread debate. Furthermore, the legislation against which the comlplaint was lodged - the Employment Contracts Act 1991 (the ECA) - is itself of great international interest because off he ECA's commitment to a comprehensive free market model of bargaining. The progress of the NZCTU complaint through the ILO system raises a wide range of issues. Here we wish to discuss the extent to which the outcome of the complaint - in particular, the Final Report - responded to government, employer and union submissions and, consequently, the extent to which the ILO gave support to the contentions of the parties. In doing so, certain issues are raised first, about the future of New Zealand - ILO relations and, second about the expectations the parties should have about the ILO and its deliberations.


Teachers Work ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terri Brian

Over the past few decades, the world has experienced a period of major social, economic and political change. Globalisation has placed increasing pressure on our work, families and communities and is continuously transforming the way we live in the 21st century. Internationally, despite renewed and intensified calls for freedom and equality, social and economic inequities continue to increase.  In Aotearoa, New Zealand, these forces have had a large impact on our society, our economy and on our tertiary education system. In an uncertain, 21stcentury world, it is our responsibility as educators to prepare learners for participation in the free market economy. It is also necessary however, to encourage the skills and attributes that will ensure a sustainable and democractic future. To achieve and balance these ideals, requires the creation of humanistic learning environments that promote a culture of self-awareness and critical reflection. This article suggests that, by resisting and reshaping the constraints of the current tertiary education system, it is possible to nurture principles of social equity and justice and to encourage self-determination,  transformation and personal freedom. 


Author(s):  
Nancy Higgins ◽  
Jude MacArthur ◽  
Missy Morton

In 1996 the New Zealand Ministry of Education stated its aim to develop a “world class inclusive education system”. Through an analysis of current legislation and policy documents, this article argues that this policy has shifted, and the “clock is being wound back”. More children are enrolling in Special Schools, in keeping with neoliberal ideologies focused on consumer choice, outcomes, and the view that education is a private good and not a human right. There are unclear and at times contradictory messages about “special” and “inclusive” education that result in an education system that has no clear path forward towards inclusion. The focus is instead on “special” education policy, the maintenance of placement choice, and the surveillance and management of disabled students. It is suggested that the way forward is for radical systemic change, the development of a clear inclusive education policy, and an ideological focus on social justice.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-77
Author(s):  
Bill English

In this article Bill English, New Zealand's Shadow Minister for Education, tells the story of New Zealand's tertiary education policy development over the past several years. His perspective comes from time in government and from time in opposition. He concludes with the lessons to be learnt, and his prognosis of the main issues to be confronted by that tertiary sector, in the years to come. The lessons to be learnt are just as valuable for the Australian sector as they are for New Zealand academicians.In this article, Polytechnics are the equivalent of the old Colleges of Advanced Education in Australia, or roughly between the TAFE and university sectors. MMP (mixed member proportional) is the proportional system of electing the New Zealand Parliament. This system is similar to the method by which Australians elect their federal Senate. A Wananga is a tertiary institution set up by statute to focus on the educational needs of Maori.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laila Fariha Zein ◽  
Adib Rifqi Setiawan

This qualitative descriptive work briefly examines what it has been and continues to be like for islamic education institutions to be alternative institutions in the Singapore’s education system that has the highest performance in international education and tops in global rankings. In Singapore’s education system, islamic education institutions represented by madrasah that are full-time and offer a pedagogical mix of Islamic religious education and secular education in their curricula. There are currently six madrasahs in Singapore offering primary to tertiary education, namely, Aljunied Al-Islamiah, Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiah, Al-Maarif Al-Islamiah, Alsagoff Al-Arabiah, Al-Arabiah Al-Islamiah, and Wak Tanjong Al-Islamiah. Four of them are co-educational, while the other two offer madrasah education exclusively to girls. It explores the powerful and positive potential of islamic education institutions in developing a truly humane science of the the future.


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