CONTRIBUTION RESEARCH TO THE ROAD, THE VIEW OF THE VIETNAM’S COMMUNIST PARTY ON BUILDING THE ALL PEOPLE DEFENSE

Author(s):  
T. H. Nguyen
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Gerald Horne

This chapter presents a biography of Patterson and looks at his road to revolution. By 1923, Patterson became a named partner in what became New York City's leading Negro law firm, Dyett, Hall, and Patterson. In 1926, he made official what some assumed was the case—he joined the Communist party—though an epochal event the following year led to his making this political decision, a career choice to become a professional revolutionary. He then left his law firm, instead devoting his life to the Communist party and its idea of a step-by-step drive to socialist revolution, paved all the way by one democratic advance after another—as demonstrated in the first major instance by the Scottsboro case. Soon he could be found at the subway entrance at 135th Street and Lenox Avenue, selling the CP newspaper. He also began participating in street-corner meetings and distribution of leaflets, and he attended classes at the party school.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-114
Author(s):  
Sergey Radchenko

This article reconsiders the 1945 Chongqing peace talks between the Kuo-mintang and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), a key turning point on the road to the Chinese civil war. The article shows that the talks represented a lost opportunity to avert the slide into fratricidal warfare. The CCP leader, Mao Zedong, under pressure from Iosif Stalin, was prepared to compromise with his rival Chiang Kai-shek on the basis of dividing China into two separately administered territories (roughly, north and south). Chiang was unwilling to consider such a step, which from his perspective was unpatriotic. His resistance to the division of China doomed the talks and precipitated the outbreak of war.


Worldview ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 10-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Edmund Clubb

An occurrence in 1968 far from China's borders may have contributed substantially to bringing about a change in Peking's foreign policy. On August 20-21, there was the startling intervention in Czechoslovakia by the USSR and four other Warsaw Pact powers. A warning letter the five had sent previously to the Czechoslovak Communist Party set forth a significant rationale: “… we cannot agree to have hostile forces push your country away from the road of socialism and create the danger of Czechoslovakia being severed from the socialist community… . The frontiers of the socialist world have moved … to the Elbe and the Bohemian Forest. We shall never agree to these historic gains of socialism … being placed in jeopardy.” The Brezhnev Doctrine of “limited sovereignty” had been born, and if it were judged warrant for taking action against unorthodoxy in Czechoslovakia, it was in logic equally applicable to China. In any event, Moscow's military action against the deviant Communist state was by itself an indication that, in some circumstances, the Soviet Union might be prepared to employ its armed forces elsewhere outside its borders.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Sherman Xiaogang Lai

Abstract The New Fourth Army (N4A) Incident is the name given to the destruction by the Chinese Nationalist government of the headquarters of the N4A, one of the two legal armies under the command of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during the Sino-Japanese War, in southern Anhui province in January 1941, together with the killing of about nine thousand CCP soldiers. It was the largest and the last armed conflict between the Nationalists and the CCP during the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945). This article argues that this tragedy came from Joseph Stalin’s paranoia toward the West and Mao’s resulting limited pre-emptive offensives against the Nationalist government, as well as their misreading of Chiang Kai-shek during 1939-1940.


Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV

The reluctant alliance between Ukrainian nationalists and the Communist Party and economic nomenklatura in August 1991 was one of the key factors in the declaration of Ukrainian independence. The Ukrainian political class preserved its monolithic character, which was reflected in the decorative and mostly formal changes that took place in the country after 1991. Instead of a profound transformation of the political system and structure of the political power, Ukrainian society received essentially the same set of institutions, political practices and actors. Personal interests of Ukrainian elites, guided by the instinct for self-preservation, played a decisive role.


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