scholarly journals No Gender in ‘Gender Agreement’: On Declension Classes and Gender in Serbo-Croatian

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boban Arsenijević
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Relevant Feature ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Syntactic Features ◽  
And Gender

The present paper argues for a view of gender agreement without either grammatical or natural gender being represented as syntactic features. Rather than deriving declension classes in terms of realisation, I postulate them as the only relevant feature that is lexically specified on the noun. Agreement copies the declension class and triggers presuppositions. When these presuppositions clash with those already active in the discourse, default agreement is realised. The paper moreover provides a quantitative analysis of semantic correlates of declension classes and a novel analysis of SC declension classes.

scholarly journals Parafoveal OCT Angiography Features in Diabetic Patients without Clinical Diabetic Retinopathy: A Qualitative and Quantitative Analysis

2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathilde M. Goudot ◽  
Anne Sikorav ◽  
Oudy Semoun ◽  
Alexandra Miere ◽  
Camille Jung ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Diabetic Retinopathy ◽  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Capillary Density ◽  
Oct Angiography ◽  
Foveal Avascular Zone ◽  
Diabetic Patients ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
The Mean ◽  
Fundus Photographs ◽  
And Gender

Purpose. To evaluate the capacity of OCT angiography (OCTA) for detecting infraclinical lesions in parafoveal capillaries in diabetic patients without diabetic retinopathy (DR). Methods. This prospective observational cross-sectional case-control study analyzed the superficial and deep capillary plexuses (SCP and DCP) on macular OCTA scans (3 × 3 mm) centered on the fovea. We compared 22 diabetic patients (34 eyes included) without DR diagnosis on color fundus photographs, with 22 age- and gender-matched nondiabetic controls (40 eyes included). Qualitative analysis concerned morphological ischemic capillary alterations. Quantitative analysis measured foveal avascular zone (FAZ) size, parafoveal capillary density, and enlargement coefficient of FAZ between SCP and DCP. Results. Neither the qualitative nor quantitative parameters were significantly different between both groups. No microaneurysms or venous tortuosity was observed in any of the analyzed images. On the SCP, the mean FAZ area was 0.322 ± 0.125 mm2 in diabetic patients and 0.285 ± 0.150 mm2 in controls, P=0.31. On the DCP, the mean FAZ area was 0.444 ± 0.153 mm2 in cases and 0.398 ± 0.138 mm2 in controls, P=0.20. Conclusion. OCTA did not detect infraclinical qualitative or quantitative differences in parafoveal capillaries of diabetic patients without DR in comparison with nondiabetic controls.

Extending the Person-Case Constraint to Gender: Agreement, Locality, and the Syntax of Pronouns

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Steven Foley ◽  
Maziar Toosarvandani
Keyword(s):  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Asymmetrical Shape ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Combinatorial Space ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation ◽  
Gender System

In many languages with clitic or other weak pronouns, a Person-Case Constraint (Perlmutter 1971, Bonet 1991) prohibits certain combinations of these pronouns on the basis of their person features. This article explores the crosslinguistic variation in such constraints, starting with several closely related Zapotec varieties. These restrict combinations of clitics not just on the basis of person, but also on the basis of a finely articulated, largely animacy-based gender system. Operating within a larger combinatorial space, these constraints offer a new perspective on the typology of Phi-Case Constraints (ΦCCs) more generally. This typology has an overall asymmetrical shape correlating with the underlying syntactic position of pronominal arguments. We develop a principled theory of this typology that incorporates three hypotheses: (a) ΦCCs arise from how a functional head Agrees with clitic pronouns, subject to intervention-based locality (Anagnostopoulou 2003, Béjar and Rezac 2003, 2009); (b) the variation in these constraints arises from variation in the relativization of probes (Anagnostopoulou 2005, Nevins 2007, 2011); and (c) clitic and other weak pronouns have no inherent need to be licensed via Agree with a functional head. Under this account, the crosslinguistic typology of ΦCCs has the potential to shed light on the grammatical representation of person and gender.

Adjectives and Adverbs

2020 ◽  
pp. 134-156
Author(s):  
Florence Lydia Graham
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
And Gender

The fifth chapter focuses on adjectives and adverbs borrowed from Turkish into seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Bosnian and Bulgarian. These turkisms can be derived from Turkish nouns, adjectives, and/or adverbs, and have Slavonic and/or Turkish suffixes. Number and gender agreement are discussed, as are productive and unproductive suffixes and pleonasm.

scholarly journals Anticipating Words and Their Gender: An Event-related Brain Potential Study of Semantic Integration, Gender Expectancy, and Gender Agreement in Spanish Sentence Reading

2004 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. 1272-1288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Y. Y. Wicha ◽  
Eva M. Moreno ◽  
Marta Kutas
Keyword(s):  
Time Course ◽  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Semantic Integration ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Brain Potentials ◽  
Preceding Article ◽  
Sentence Reading ◽  
Sentence Meaning ◽  
And Gender

Recent studies indicate that the human brain attends to and uses grammatical gender cues during sentence comprehension. Here, we examine the nature and time course of the effect of gender on word-by-word sentence reading. Event related brain potentials were recorded to an article and noun, while native Spanish speakers read medium to high-constraint Spanish sentences for comprehension. The noun either fit the sentence meaning or not, and matched the preceding article in gender or not; in addition, the preceding article was either expected or unexpected based on prior sentence context. Semantically anomalous nouns elicited an N400. Gender disagreeing nouns elicited a posterior late positivity (P600), replicating previous findings for words. Gender agreement and semantic congruity interacted in both the N400 window—with a larger negativity frontally for double violations—and the P600 window—with a larger positivity for semantic anomalies, relative to the prestimulus baseline. Finally, unexpected articles elicited an enhanced positivity (500–700 msec post onset) relative to expected articles. Overall, our data indicate that readers anticipate and attend to the gender of both articles and nouns, and use gender in real time to maintain agreement and to build sentence meaning.

A critical deconstructed quantitative analysis: Sexual and gender minority stress through an intersectional lens

2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 859-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stacey L. Williams ◽  
Sarah A. Job ◽  
Emerson Todd ◽  
Kelsey Braun
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Minority Stress ◽  
Gender Minority ◽  
Sexual And Gender Minority ◽  
And Gender

Case and φ-feature agreement in advanced L2 Spanish grammars

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 71-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florencia Franceschina
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Advanced Learners ◽  
Number Agreement ◽  
Functional Features ◽  
L2 Spanish ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Case Number

One account of divergence in advanced L2 grammars is that speakers fail to acquire functional features in the L2 that are not part of the L1 inventory, and that this leads to non-native representations. Since this idea was first proposed by Hawkins and Chan (1997), few studies have provided the type of data which would allow for it to be adequately tested. This paper presents experimental data from two studies of the acquisition of Case, number and gender agreement in a group of advanced learners of Spanish who are L1 speakers of English, French, German, Greek, Italian and Portuguese. Differences were found between accuracy on Case and number agreement on the one hand, and gender agreement on the other, in ways predicted by the Failed Functional Features hypothesis.

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