Polarity sensitivity and evaluation order in type-logical grammar

Revisiting unselected embedded questions in the light of Classical Greek wh-clauses

The Linguistic Review ◽

10.1515/tlr-2018-2011 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 36 (2) ◽

pp. 191-230

Author(s):

Richard Faure

Keyword(s):

Polarity Sensitivity ◽

Embedded Questions ◽

Definition Of ◽

New Evidence

Abstract This paper addresses the issue of the questions embedded under predicates normally selecting for propositions like know (unselected embedded questions UEQ). This problem was handled in Adger and Quer (Adger, David & Josep Quer. 2001. The syntax and semantics of unselected embedded questions. Language 77. 107–133) and Öhl (Öhl, Peter. 2007. Unselected embedded interrogatives in German and English : S-selection as dependency formation. Linguistische Berichte 212. 403–438). Both articles notice a difference between yes/no- and wh-questions. The distribution of the latter seems to be less restricted. However data from Classical Greek shed new light on the matter. Classical Greek uses two sets of wh-items in what looks like embedded questions (h- and t-). It is shown that h-clauses do not denote questions but propositions. The selection mismatch arises with t-clauses. They denote questions and have the same distribution as yes/no-questions. Moreover Classical Greek provides new evidence in favor of 1) the sensitivity of the UEQ to the polarity of the environment, building on Giannakidou’s (Giannakidou, Anastasia. 1998. Polarity sensitivity as (non) veridical dependency. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins) definition of nonveridicality; 2) the presence of a determiner on top of the UEQ as proposed in Adger and Quer (2001). The article argues nevertheless that the sensitivity is not due to the determiner, but to an operator going along with UEQs. It is shown that the determiner is a type-shifter turning the question into a proposition and thus repairing the apparent selection mismatch.

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Fragment answers and double negation in strict negative concord languages

Semantics and Linguistic Theory ◽

10.3765/salt.v26i0.3813 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 26 ◽

pp. 584 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Anamaria Fălăuș ◽

Andreea Nicolae

Keyword(s):

Negative Concord ◽

Double Negation ◽

Polarity Item ◽

Polarity Sensitivity ◽

Fragment Answers ◽

Explanatory Account ◽

The Difference ◽

Two Parameters ◽

Polarity Sensitive ◽

Shed Light

This paper revisits the phenomenon of negative concord (NC) as an instance of polarity sensitivity. We shed light on a new set of data regarding n-words as fragment answers to negative questions and show that we find unexpected double negation (DN) readings for fragment n-words in view of their behavior in non-elliptical constructions. To account for this pattern, we offer an updated version of the hypothesis that n-words are strong NPIs, making use of an alternative and exhaustification approach. We argue that the difference between n-words and other NPIs should be seen as the result of two parameters: (i) whether reconstruction of the polarity item is allowed, and (ii) whether the polarity item has the ability to license a covert negation operator. The result is an explanatory account of NC and DN readings in both non-elliptical and elliptical environments, which allows for an easier integration of n-words in the broader typology of polarity sensitive items.

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Issues in the Syntax of Polarity-Sensitive Items

A Unified Theory of Polarity Sensitivity ◽

10.1093/oso/9780197554883.003.0001 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 1-36

Author(s):

Ahmad Alqassas

Keyword(s):

Arabian Peninsula ◽

Linguistic Theory ◽

The West ◽

Polarity Sensitivity ◽

Critical Issues ◽

The Mediterranean ◽

Polarity Sensitive

This chapter provides an overview of PSIs (polarity-sensitive items) in Arabic and briefly outlines the critical issues in the syntax of PSIs in Arabic and their contributions to Arabic syntax and linguistic theory. It also outlines the theoretical underpinnings of research on Arabic negation, relying on the author’s most recent publications. The author synthesizes the major and crucial findings from cross-linguistic studies on this topic and studies of PSIs in Arabic. This chapter also articulates the critical issues, methodology, and scope of content. A quick overview of polarity sensitivity reveals much of the microvariation in Arabic. Geographically, this variation comparatively grows at the phonetic, morphological, and lexical levels, moving from the west with the Moroccan dialect, into Egyptian and Jordanian along the Mediterranean, into the Arabian Peninsula with Qatari Arabic, and into the formal written Arabic.

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