¬Learning Island-insensitivity from the input: A corpus analysis of child- and youth-directed text in Norwegian

Norwegian allows filler-gap dependencies into relative clauses (RCs) and embedded questions (EQs) – domains that are usually considered islands. We conducted a corpus study on youth-directed reading material to assess what direct evidence Norwegian children receive for filler-gap dependencies into islands. Results suggest that the input contains examples of Filler-gap dependencies into both RCs and EQs, but such examples are significantly less frequent than long-distance filler-gap dependencies into non-island clauses. Moreover, evidence for island violations is characterized by the absence of forms that are, in principle, acceptable in the target grammar. Thus, although they encounter dependencies into islands, children must generalize beyond the fine-grained distributional characteristics of the input to acquire the full pattern of island-insensitivity in their target language. We conclude by considering how different learning models would fare on acquiring the target generalizations.

Spanish embedded question island effects revisited: an experimental study

It is often reported that embedded questions (EQs) are not syntactic islands in Spanish. However, some authors have observed that the acceptability of filler-gap dependencies (FGDs) into Spanish EQs varies with the EQ-embedding verb: FGDs into EQs under responsive verbs (e.g., know) do not result in island effects, but FGDs into EQs under rogative verbs (e.g., ask) do yield island effects. One account attributes the contrast to a structural difference between the two EQs, due to which ask-EQs violate Bounding constraints, but know-EQs do not. In two acceptability studies we investigated the reliability of verb-dependent island effects in EQs introduced by si ‘whether’ and cuándo ‘when’. We found no qualitative acceptability differences between ask and know EQ-island sentences, suggesting that the syntactic islandhood of Spanish EQs is not verb-dependent. Nevertheless, average island effects were numerically greater with ask, suggesting the presence of a non-syntactic constraint. In addition, FGDs into whether-EQs were generally acceptable, whereas FGDs into when-EQs obtained unacceptable average ratings and highly variable judgments. We argue that in neither case there is a Bounding constraint violation. Instead we explore alternative potential explanations for the differences in terms of features, presuppositions and processing pressures.

Doubly-filled COMPs in Alpine varieties

Violations of the Doubly-filled COMP filter (DFCs), most notably in the context of embedded questions, can be observed in Germanic, Romance, and even Slavic varieties in the Alpine regions. Using the direct survey technique, we examine DFC-phenomena in several dialects of Southern Bavarian (including language islands) and the adjacent Italian regions (Venetian, Friulian, etc.) in order to check for relevant similarities as well as differences. Whereas there is some indication for a structural parallelism between Germanic and Romance in terms of the wh-items involved, both language groups are set apart when it comes to DFCs in root sentences.

From maximality to bias: Biased A-not-A questions in Mandarin Chinese

This study aims to derive the epistemic bias in shi-bu-shi questions, a type of A-not-A question in Mandarin Chinese. I propose: (i) the focus marker shi presupposes that its prejacent is a possible complete answer to the current Question Under Discussion (QUD); (ii) accordingly, shi-bu-shi questions are presupposed to be part of the Focus-strategy of inquiry; (iii) the Focus-strategy of inquiry indicates the questioner's intention to close the current QUD as soon as possible, and to achieve this goal, the questioner should check the answer that she considers most likely to be true. By assuming such completeness-to-likelihood reasoning, a novel link between focus in polar questions and question bias is established. The ramifications of this proposal for related phenomena (e.g., bias in embedded questions, evidential bias) are then discussed.

The interaction of question particles and negation in embedded contexts: the case of alles

The German question particle alles (Reis 1992; Zimmermann 2007) is characterised in the semantic literature as imposing plurality and exhaustivity requirements on the answer space. We report on novel experimental probing the interaction of alles and negation in embedded questions. We investigated alles with three embedding predicates: vergessen 'forget', wissen 'know', and überraschen 'surprise'. The data show that alles may be focussed and contributes to at-issue propositional content, on the basis of its interaction with negation.

We Will Figure It Out. Know-how, Hybrid Ways, and Communicative (Inter)actions

"The goal of this paper is primarily to pinpoint some substantial analytical and conceptual difficulties with the account of knowledge how proposed by (Stanley & Williamson, Knowing How, 2001) [henceforth S&W] and (Stanley, Knowing (How), 2011), (Stanley, Know How, 2011) based on (Groenendijk & Stokhof, 1984) [henceforth G&S] semantic analysis of embedded questions. In light of such difficulties, (1) we propose supplementing their account with an integrated approach of knowledge how, and suggest adding a mereological layer to the semantic framework of embedded questions (2) we argue that the characteristics of what we call ‘hybrid ways’ and ‘hybrid knowledge’ strongly indicate reopening the issue of the proper account of questions towards the complementary relevant account of interrogation in communicative interactions, and the role of the context (in)forming knowledge-how. As a methodological principle, we remain neutral on the intellectualist vs anti-intellectualist debate. We also remain silent on the nature and explanation of the modes of presentations or ways of thinking that should be developed in order to adequately account for hybrid ways and hybrid knowledge. Key Words: Know-how, Intellectualism, semantic analysis, embedded questions, wh-complements, mentions-some readings, de re knowledge, hybrid ways, communicative interactions; interrogation; context-sensitivity, situated pragmatics. "

L2 transfer of L1 island-insensitivity: The case of Norwegian

Norwegian allows filler-gap dependencies into embedded questions, which are islands for filler-gap dependency formation in English. We ask whether there is evidence that Norwegian learners of English transfer the functional structure that permits island violations from their first language (L1) to their second language (L2). In two acceptability judgment studies, we find that Norwegians are more likely to accept ‘island-violating’ filler-gap dependencies in L2 English if the corresponding filler-gap dependency is acceptable in Norwegian: Norwegian learners variably accept English sentences with dependencies into embedded questions, but not into subject phrases. These results are consistent with models that permit transfer of abstract functional structure. Norwegians are still less likely to accept filler-gap dependencies into English embedded questions than Norwegian embedded questions. We interpret the latter finding as evidence that, despite transfer, Norwegian speakers may partially restructure their L2 English analysis. We discuss how indirect positive evidence may play a role in helping learners restructure.