scholarly journals Artificial intelligence, communication, and democracy in Latin America: a review of the cases of Colombia, Ecuador, and Mexico

Author(s):  
Daniel Barredo-Ibáñez ◽  
Daniel-Javier De-la-Garza-Montemayor ◽  
Ángel Torres-Toukoumidis ◽  
Paulo-Carlos López-López

The concept of algorithmic political communication has arisen through the joint development of propaganda and communication theories, as well as the findings of computer science. This is a field that generates results that amplify and extend to political communication, such as microsegmentation or automated diffusion of content; likewise, it produces some adverse effects that hinder citizen participation in the cybersphere. This paper presents a review of works published in three Latin American countries (Colombia, Ecuador, and Mexico) with artificial intelligence, communication, and democracy as their constituent elements. The data come from a total of 206 documents, including reports from supranational organisms and associations, and publications in scientific journals indexed in databases such as Google Scholar and Scopus between 2011 and 2021. The selection criterion is based on the total or partial appearance of certain keywords, plus filters by relevance and impact factors. This systematic review is structured based along four axes that explain democracy according to Landman et al. (2009): electoral participation, participation of civil society, media integrity, and impartial administration. The main conclusions indicate that many of the practices in the studied countries are still at an incipient or experimental stage, with algorithmic political communication being used especially during electoral campaigns. Similarly, an increasing resistance from civil society to the influence of social networks is starting to be detected.

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Hecq ◽  
Li Sun

AbstractWe propose a model selection criterion to detect purely causal from purely noncausal models in the framework of quantile autoregressions (QAR). We also present asymptotics for the i.i.d. case with regularly varying distributed innovations in QAR. This new modelling perspective is appealing for investigating the presence of bubbles in economic and financial time series, and is an alternative to approximate maximum likelihood methods. We illustrate our analysis using hyperinflation episodes of Latin American countries.


The book identifies a new human rights phenomenon. While disappearances have tended to be associated with authoritarian state and armed conflict periods, the study looks at these acts carried out in procedural democracies where democratic institutions prevail. Specifically, the book manuscript analyses disappearances in four Latin American countries (Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, and El Salvador) which provide insights into the dimensions of this contemporary social problem. The theoretical framing for the volume links contemporary disappearances with certain logics that emerged in the authoritarian and armed conflict periods and continue today. It also covers the evolution of legal instruments addressing past disappearances and the current phenomenon. Each case study is introduced by a personal story of disappearance, followed by analyses. The following ‘Tools’ section sets out ‘best practices’ used by civil society groups and non-governmental organisations to address the rights of victims for truth, justice, reparations, and guarantees of non-repetition.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flavia Milano

The approval of the Paris Agreement established a new global regimen in matters of climate change. Latin American and Caribbean countries participate in additional processes regarding environmental sustainability, including the national development of the 2030 Agenda and the implementation of the Escazu Agreement. These and other instruments recognize the importance of an effective engagement with civil society stakeholders for the fulfillment of environmental sustainability goals. This study is based on the IDB Groups accumulated technical experience in matters of citizen participation. It identifies best practices employed in Jamaica to progress in climate commitments with the inclusion of civil society key players. The complete regional study, which includes the experiences of Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Jamaica, Mexico, and Peru is available at: https://publications.iadb.org/en/governments-and-civil-society-advancing-climate-agendas


2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Seatzu

NGOs and CSOs have progressively enjoyed easy access to, and better possibilities to affect decision-making processes taking place within the Inter-American Development Bank (‘the Bank’ or the ‘IDB’), including also the most recent decisions of the IDB affecting the relationship between Spain and the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries. Indeed, in particular the increasing intensity of NGO and CSO activities and their involvement in the performances and activities of the Bank and of its governing bodies at different levels and stages show that NGOs and CSOs over the last decade have become essential, though often under-recognized components of the operational structures of the internal governance of the IDB. CSOs may be, and often are, eligible to directly receive financings from the Bank. Starting from a brief introduction of the Bank followed by a set of normative arguments on the key accountability challenges facing the IDB Group, the paper will deal with the issue of NGO and CSO participation in relation to the decision-making process on the IDB Group’s financed operations, investment and programmatic lending operations. It will also consider the social and environmental accountability initiatives that derive from the Bank’s core aims of achieving poverty eradication and effective and sustainable development. In doing so, approaching the topic from an international legal perspective, the paper will first explore the broad and inclusive definition of what constitutes a ‘civil society organization’ for the IDB and its affiliated organizations. Secondly, and in more detail, it will consider the “Strategy for Promoting Citizen Participation in Bank Activities” as approved by the IDB Board of Directors in 2004 in order to expand, strengthen and systematize citizen and civil society participation in the Bank’s activities. Thirdly, the paper will focus on the Guidelines for the functioning of the Civil Society Advisory Councils (the ‘Guidelines’). Fourthly, it will describe how NGO and CSO participation is taken into account by the internal instruments of the Bank envisaging citizen and civil society participation in the IDB’s financial activities (including the most recent activities to enhance the trade and investment relationship between Spain and LAC countries). Therefore, the key features and characteristics of the Guidelines that are of special significance to NGO and CSO participation in the decision-making process on the IDB’s financed operations and in furthering the accountability of the Bank to its constituents – such as the criteria for the establishment and participation of CSOs and NGOs, the notification procedure, the meaning of ‘Civil Society Consulting Groups’, the methods for consultations at operational level, the possibilities for civil society groups and movements, including Spanish civil society groups and movements, to increase human rights and democratic accountability – will all be, in turn, the subject of specific analyses. Finally, the paper will conclude with some observations on the social and democratic accountability of the IDB to civil society and non-state actors, referring in particular to the experience of the internal accountability mechanism established by the IDB’s Board of Governors (the Bank’s highest authority) in 1994 – the Independent Investigation Mechanism of the Inter-American Development Bank (the ‘Independent Mechanism’) – that was established with the aim of “increasing the transparency, accountability, and effectiveness” of the Enhancing Democratic Accountability? 45 Bank and recently replaced by the created Independent Consultation and Investigation Mechanism (ICIM) effective on June 30, 2010.


Author(s):  
Carlos Garrido López

La revocación del mandato ha sido, hasta hace unas décadas, un mecanismo de democracia directa poco extendido y apenas usado fuera de EE.UU. La crisis de la representación y del sistema de partidos que padecieron varios países latinoamericanos condujo, sin embargo, a reparar en la revocación del mandato como una vía adicional de participación y control de los ciudadanos que podría estimular la receptividad y la responsabilidad de las autoridades electas. Y de ser una institución apenas conocida, la revocación se ha extendido a varios de los países latinoamericanos más importantes, al punto de convertirse en una de las señas distintivas de la región. En este trabajo se realiza un estudio comparado de la revocación del mandato en Argentina, Colombia y Perú, donde se ha limitado a las autoridades regionales y locales. Se analizan, asimismo, la revocación de los diputados y autoridades locales por decisión de los partidos y a iniciativa y votación popular en Panamá; la revocación en Ecuador, Venezuela y Bolivia, donde la institución se ha extendido a todos los cargos electos, incluido el presidente de la República; y la revocación del presidente y de los gobernadores de los entes federados en México tras la reforma constitucional impulsada en 2019 por López Obrador. El trabajo concluye con un balance de los diseños institucionales de la revocación del mandato, en el que se subraya la tensión existente entre el proyecto normativo y sus condiciones de realización.The recall was, until recent decades, a tool of direct democracy that was hardly known or used outside the United States. However, the crisis of representation and of the party system that several Latin American countries suffered led to recover the recall as an additional form of citizen participation and control that could boost receptivity and responsibility of elected authorities. In only three decades, the recall has moved from being barely known to spreading to the most important Latin American countries and becoming one of the distinctive features of the region. In this work we present a comparative study of the recall in Argentina, Colombia and the Republic of Peru, where it was limited to regional and local authorities. We also analyse the recall of local legislators and authorities by decision of the political parties and popular vote in Panama; the recall in Ecuador, Venezuela and Bolivia, where this institution has spread to all elected offices, including the president of the republic; and the recall of the president and governors of the federal entities of Mexico after the constitutional reform promoted by López Obrador. This work ends by assessing the institutional designs of the recall, where we emphasize the tension between draft legislation and its conditions for implementation.


2011 ◽  
pp. 226-246
Author(s):  
Marc Holzer ◽  
Tony Carrizales ◽  
Richard Schwester

This chapter examines e-government practices in Latin American cities. Emphasis is placed on five areas: privacy and security, usability, content, services, and citizen participation. In Digital Governance in Municipalities Worldwide, Holzer and Kim (2004) evaluated e-government in the largest municipality in each of 100 countries. Included in this study were the largest cities in 15 Latin American countries. This chapter focuses on these 15 cities, highlighting those that received the highest overall index score. In addition, five cities with above-average scores in the five e-government component areas are assessed. Although this chapter does not take into consideration all e-government practices in Latin America, it does provide benchmark cases for cities in the Latin American region.


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (02) ◽  
pp. 1450021 ◽  
Author(s):  
JUAN CARLOS TEJEDA GONZÁLEZ ◽  
MA. CATALINA ALFARO DE LA TORRE ◽  
PEDRO MEDELLÍN MILÁN

Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) has been recognised worldwide as a tool that helps to assure the inclusion of environmental aspects in the formulation of policies, plans and programmes (PPPs) and citizen participation into the higher levels of decision-making processes. Despite of its relevance, Mexico is to date one of the few Latin-American countries which do not have this tool inserted in its legal and institutional frameworks. In this paper we present the results of a literature review of the historical development of SEA in the world and its legal framework and current state in Mexico.


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