scholarly journals Peribsen and Lower Egypt

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 1249-1258
Author(s):  
K. F. Karlova

The article deals with some aspects of Peribsen’s policy. In author’s opinion this pharaoh of the Second dynasty possibly led military campaigns in Lower Egypt. This hypothesis can be maintained by the data of seal impressions, stone vessels and the steles from the Early Dynastic period. The author shows that Peribsen’s election of Seth as the god of royal power and replacement of traditional patron of Egyptian rulers Horus by him could be connected with disintegration of Egypt into two parts. The author shows that the toponyms %Tt and &A-mHw in Peribsen’s monuments must be connected with Lower Egypt. The fact that place-names are connected with the tribute from Delta to Peribsen can prove that this ruler tried to conquer Lower Egypt. In the present study the comparative historical research is used.

Author(s):  
Valerii Evgen’evich Naumenko ◽  
◽  
Aleksander Germanovich Gertsen ◽  

In 2006, the excavation of the palace of the rulers of the Principality of Theodoro (1425–1475) in the central area of the ancient town of Mangup (south-western Crimea) uncovered a unique at this site signet-ring of yellowish chalcedony made in the sixth or early seventh century in Sasanian Iran. This find belongs to a group of the so-called pseudo-signet-rings (muhr); it shows an ellipsoidal shape (flattened hemisphere) with a narrow channel for hanging on the neck, wrist, or belt. On the shield of the signet-ring there is an image of a mountain sheep (аrhar) with steeply curved horns, lying to the left, with the legs tucked. It was accompanied with a number of official symbols of the ruling dynasty in the Sassanian State: the royal bow ashkharavand (of a ribbon tied round a front leg of the animal), a crescent with the horns upward (a young Moon, one of the symbols of the dynasty), and atashdan (Zoroastrian temple altar with burning fire). The composition of this image goes back to the legend about the founder of the Sassanian dynasty King Ardashir I (224–240), who defeated the last Parthian ruler Artaban V (213–224) and ascended the throne with the help from the deity of royal power, victory, might, luck, and glory Farr embodied in the mountain ram. Therefore, the first owner of the signet-ring was a member of the privileged part of the Sassanian society, using the ring to make signature or as a sign of ownership when sealing personal documents and items of trade transactions. Considering the circumstances of the discovery of the Sassanian ring in the cultural layer of one of the largest Byzantine fortresses in Taurica obviously constructed at the end of the reign of Emperor Justinian I (527–565), it is hardly worth thinking of direct official correspondence between the local Byzantine administration and someone from Iranian correspondents or the presence of the military contingents from Persia. Most likely, the find in question was simply a trophy of a Byzantine officer who took part in one of the many Byzantine-Sassanian military campaigns of the second half of the sixth or the first third of the seventh centuries and then continued his service in the garrison of Mangup-Doros.


1988 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheah Boon Kheng

The French Annales historians have made the study of popular mentalites into a fascinating and important field of historical research. This approach has yet to gain ground in Southeast Asian historical studies, especially in Malaysian history, with respect to the thinking of subject classes. If we take the Malay traditional ruling class and the Malay peasantry in Melaka and other states from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century, we know very little about the ideological hegemony which the former exercised over the latter, or what the thinking of the dominated class was like. One problem, of course, has been the lack of sources, but such a problem has not deterred the Annales historians from making their attempt.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p48
Author(s):  
PARVIZ FIRUDIN OQLU KAZIMI

Articles about the “concept” and “danger” of “Turanism” in political and publicistic works are often published in the international media, and this is so convincing that it has an impact on some scientific literature. In fact, on the contrary, materials obtained from scientific literature should be a source of political science and journalistic materials. In this context, we see that attempts to find a “brand” in historical research are still ongoing.We try to reveal the general picture, taking contradictions on this topic from the sources of the works of Nizami Ganjavi and Firdosi, as well as on the basis of existing historical documents. Has there ever been a state called Turan in history? If not, what was the source and purpose of this legend? If there was no Turan, how did Iran exist? Who won the war between Iran and Turan? If Firdosi knew this story, then why does Nizami write in his works the complete opposite of this story?As you can see, in addition to collecting tips from the works of Nizami and Firdosi to answer many questions, one can distinguish place names and ethnonyms from ancient mythology and Zoroastrianism and determine the true “threat” by creating a general picture, defining the history and geography of events.This article attempts to answer some questions by comparing a number of historical, literary events and positions.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Humphrey Southall ◽  
Ruth Mostern ◽  
Merrick Lex Berman

Gazetteers play an important but largely unsung role in historical research, used with maps to help place people and events in spatial context. Recent years have seen new interest in digital gazetteers as bridges between the geospatial web and the semantic web, but many existing digital gazetteers and data models do not meet the needs of historians, as they focus on physiographic landforms rather than places of cultural meaning or administrative units. Historical researchers need to know about places whose locations are not knowable with certainty. They need to know about alternative names for places, about how names have evolved over time, and the specific historical contexts in which names were used. While GIS researchers propose temporal gazetteers, which will somehow include the precise dates at which features were created and removed, we propose historical gazetteers in which dates appear mainly in order to help reference particular instances of place names. Longer term, we need cultural gazetteers or toponymic encyclopedias that describe places as well as locate them.


Britannia ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 93-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.G.F. Hind

Three aspects of Cassius Dio's account of the Claudian invasion of Britain are discussed. First, the convention, by which ancient historians routinely introduced their detailed narrative of military campaigns with a summary, allows the two first battles in the sequence to be eliminated as separate events. Secondly, the kings, Togodumnus in Cassius Dio and Cogidumnus in Tacitus' Agricola, are taken to be the same individual, who after defeat was reconciled to be Claudius' client-ruler. Thirdly, the argument is restated that the invasion took place through the harbours of West Sussex on a route suggested by the description given by Dio and by the evidence of place-names, known from the Geography of Ptolemy and the Antonine Itinerary.


2011 ◽  
pp. 119-136
Author(s):  
M. Voeikov

The paper deals with the problem of the establishment of capitalism in Russia in the late 19 - early 20th centuries. Using a wide array of historical research and documents the author argues that the thesis on the advanced state of capitalism in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century does not stand up to historical scrutiny, and the role of the famous Emancipation reform of 1861 appears to be of limited importance.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip

This article discusses impact of UMNO-PAS political cooperation towards Islamic development in Malaysia from 1973 until 1978. The success of political cooperation in 1973 was the result of both UMNO’s leader, Tun Abdul Razak and PAS’s leader, Asri Muda willingness to explore a new political approach compared to what was being practiced at that time. Both leaders then started the development of a government known as the ‘Cooperation Government’ with the combination of UMNO and PAS in 1973 and later on, the development of the National Front’s (BN) Coalition Government in 1974. The Islamic religion benefits the most from the development of the Coalition Government which is a favourable gain for the Malays in Malaysia. Henceforth, this article will discuss in detail on the impact of the political cooperation between UMNO and PAS within the cooperation period. The methods used for this research is by interview and also by referring to secondary sources which are analyzed in a historical descriptive manner that is normally practiced in historical research. At the end of this research it is established that there are profound impacts to the Islamic religion within the UMNO-PAS cooperation period within 1973 to 1978 for example, the television and radio station beginning starting their programmes with the recitation from Quranic verses, the promulgation of ‘Adhan, alcohols are no longer served in official government’s function, lottery companies are not allowed to promote and announce the lottery results in official government’s media, the establishment of Islamic institution, the strengthening of Islamic education and the appropriate change in the relevant ministry’s symbols. This article can be utilized by subsequent researchers who wish to study the impact of political cooperation between UMNO and PAS. Keywords: political cooperation, UMNO-PAS, cooperation government ABTRAK:Makalah ini membincangkan mengenai impak kerjasama politik UMNO-PAS terhadap perkembangan Islam di Malaysia dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Kerjasama politik yang berjaya dibentuk bermula pada tahun 1973 adalah hasil daripada kesediaan Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mohd Asri Muda yang menerajui UMNO dan PAS pada ketika itu mencetuskan perubahan corak berpolitik yang berbeza berbanding sebelumnya. Maka, kedua-dua pemimpin ini kemudiannya merintis pembentukan sebuah kerajaan yang menggabungkan UMNO dengan PAS menerusi Kerajaan Campuran pada tahun 1973 dan Kerajaan Gabungan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada tahun 1974. Hasil daripada kejayaan penubuhan kedua-dua kerajaan ini, perkembangan Islam di negara ini bertambah pesat dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh keseluruhan orang Melayu di Malaysia. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan secara terperinci impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dalam tempoh kerjasama politik berkenaan. Penyelidikan ini menggunapakai kaedah temubual dan menyorot sejumlah sumber sekunder yang kemudiannya dianalisis secara deskriptif sejarah (historical descriptive analysis) yang lazimnya dipraktikkan dalam kajian sejarah. Hasil kajian ini mendapati terdapat impak-impak jelas terhadap perkembangan Islam di negara ini sepanjang tempoh kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Antara impak-impak tersebut ialah permulaan siaran televisyen dan radio dengan bacaan ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran, mengumandangkan suara azan, penghapusan arak dalam majlis-majlis kerajaan, penghapusan promosi dan keputusan judi di media kerajaan, penubuhan institusi Islam, pemerkasaan pendidikan Islam dan penukaran simbol institisu kerajaan. Akhirnya, artikel ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh penyelidik-penyelidik berikutnya untuk menilai impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS.Kata kunci: kerjasama politik, UMNO-PAS, kerajaan campuran


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