UK–Zimbabwean Relations: the Past and the Present

The author traces the stages of development of British–Zimbabwean relations over the past four decades. The work analyzes not only the history, but also the current state of relations between Great Britain and Zimbabwe and assesses the prospects for their development. The author set the task of showing how political cooperation between the former metropolis and its colony developed, the importance of the change of governments and the personality of the heads of state. A special attention is paid to the first president of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, who ruled the country for 37 years. An attempt has been made to identify the causes of the crisis in bilateral relations and to assess the attempts to overcome and to move in a progressive development. In addition, the author considers the problem of how the context of the colonial past, economic development, the land issue and the internal policy of Zimbabwe influenced the official London’s position in relation to Harare. Zimbabwe is one of the key states in southeast Africa, traditionally viewed by the UK as a sphere of its interests. Using itsexample, certain conclusions can be drawn about London's foreign policy approach to African countries, as well as the contradictions which become obstacles to the relations’ normalization.

BRICS Development Strategy – Priority Areas of Cooperation for Gaining a Foothold in a Multipolar World Order

The international world order has been changing rapidly since the turn of the twenty-first century. BRICS, as an economic association, that unites five countries, each of which is the leading state in its own region, is faced with a variety of modern-day challenges. The article examines the most important issues for BRICS, as well as the outcomes and potential future directions for deepening cooperation among the BRICS member states and in more extended formats. The main purpose of the article is to identify major trends and factors that influence the formation of the BRICS agenda and the future direction of development. Other important tasks that could be mentioned are determining the reasons for the intensification of political cooperation, obstacles and opportunities for BRICS institutionalization as an international organization and potential expansion. To become a stable international institution, BRICS needs to devise an effective strategy of development that includes key areas such as the economy, investment cooperation, digitalization, security, ecology, and the environment. The creation and strengthening of external relations of BRICS with leading developing countries and international organizations, as well as cooperation on the basis of equality, complementarity, and mutual benefit in the economic, scientific, and technical fields, taking into account the significant resource base of BRICS countries, the largest labor resources, capacious domestic markets, goals of economic modernization and high technologies, as well as food and energy safety will provide BRICS with the opportunity to form an effective development strategy to gain a foothold in the multipolar world order.

Tax Policy of the Fourth Estate?

The study deals with questions of the political cooperation of Moravian territorial lord’s towns (the Moravian Fourth Estate) in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century. This issue is viewed through the prism of political negotiations about the very high tax burden on the towns. After an outline of the structure of the estate-organized society of the Moravian Margraviate and the role of territorial lord’s—royal and chamber—towns in it, the article introduces the natural and fiscal burdens weighing down the urban organisms and escalating in line with the wars of the Habsburg Monarchy against the expansive Ottoman Empire. The burden on Moravian towns was much heavier than on other segments of the estate-structured society. This was the basis for the towns’ concerted efforts to find relief, which manifested itself during the Fifteen Years’ War with the High Porte in 1593–1606. Surviving sources offer detailed documentation of the 1604 negotiations, when at the initiative of Brno, an attempt was made to counter the pressure of the higher estates that intended to further increase the tax burden on territorial lord’s towns. However, these negotiations illustrate that effective joint action of the town representations was hindered by individual municipalities’ particular interests. Individualism generally exacerbated the towns’ weak position in the political system of the time. In the broader coordinates of early modern Europe, in the Bohemian lands, urban space was less developed and the bourgeoisie was significantly weaker than in their Western and Southern European counterparts. Therefore, the limited coordination of the territorial lord’s towns in the fight against the higher estates did not lead to the desired results.

Chaotic Order

This chapter explores how order emerges from chaos in China’s innovation machine. It emphasizes how innovation is emergent, evolutionary, and complex and cannot be centrally planned and controlled. Innovation involves experimentation, the initial growth of which requires some protection, but the scale and scope of which can be rapidly amplified in an interdependent digital economy. The challenges facing the innovation machine are outlined. These include the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, and the impending clash of political ideology between China and the West manifested by a technology cold war over issues such as technological standards. The chapter argues that, despite numerous shortcomings, China’s innovation machine is remarkably successful and robust and can even strengthen as result of external pressures. It does, however, face specific internal policy challenges, including whether the government can maintain the pragmatism of recent policies with continued development of the market, and strengthened transparency on the nature and purpose of China’s approach to innovation, and the nation’s greater assumption of leadership roles in international forums. How China handles these challenges will significantly impact the future of global economic development and political cooperation.

The Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership

The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership among eleven key nations of the Pacific Rim has already expanded trade and economic cooperation among the Parties. It also serves to encourage political cooperation among them and has served as a model for future 'wide and deep' free trade agreements. The chapters of this book will provide readers with a detailed understanding of the CPTPP's coverage, including provisions relating to tariff elimination, customs rules of origin, agriculture, sanitary and phytosanitary measures, technical barriers to trade, telecommunications, intellectual property, investment and investor–state arbitration, financial and other services, government procurement, state-owned enterprises, electronic commerce and digital trade, small and medium-sized enterprises, competition law, labor and environmental protection, dispute settlement, and many others. No international lawyer, economist, trade negotiator, or enterprise can afford not to take advantage of the opportunities for business that the CPTPP offers. This book has been written by CPTPP negotiators, experts, and practitioners.

Diplomatic Steps of the Antall Government towards the Euro-Atlantic Integration

My dissertation is based on more than ten years of archival research. One of the goals of Antall’s foreign policy was the Euro-Atlantic integration. In December 1991, Hungary signed an association agreement with the European Community. By 1992, opinions on the future were divided between and within the Member States of the European Communities. There was a debate among the twelve about the concept of ‘deepening’ or ‘widening’, and the term ‘multi-speed Europe’ appeared. At this time, a number of questions arose about the full membership of the Trio in NATO, of which ‘how’ and ‘when’ came first. It has also been suggested whether it would be more appropriate to intensify economic and political cooperation rather than military ones. Perhaps the NACC should be thoroughly expanded first and then move on to expanding the range of full member states?

The Attempts of the Mazepian Emigration to involve the Crimean Question into the International Policy of French Kingdom in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century

Being at the political and diplomatic service of King of France Louis XV for more than three decades (from 1729 to 1759) Hryhor Orlyk, the son of the Ukrainian Hetman Pylyp Orlyk, was committed to furthering the cause of his father. Traditionally, in the context of the political tasks of the French kingdom, he addressed, on the one hand, the incorporation of the Cossack factor into the foreign policy of the Versailles Cabinet, and, on the other hand, the Crimean question. At every stage of his diplomatic service, which we have distinguished (the 1730s, 1740s, and 1750s respectively), the Hetman’s son set different tasks to resolve the Crimean issue and, accordingly, tried to implement them. Through his consistent, permanent, and persistent actions, Hryhor Orlyk contributed to the traditional matter of Hetman’s Ukraine integration into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, along with the Cossack and Crimean factors. In the 1750s, one of the last representatives of the Mazepian emigration Fedir Myrovych and Fedir Nakhymovskyi joined the corps of Orlyk’s son Hryhor. They became his effective assistants in the matter of political and legal recognition of the Cossack factor as one of the dominant foreign policy activities of the Versailles Cabinet by the French political elite. Being in Crimea in the 1750s, Myrovych and Nakhymovskyi acted as special emissaries of the Versailles Cabinet maintaining contacts with it directly through Hryhor Orlyk. They contributed in every way to the policy of the kingdom in Crimea in connection with the activation of the Cossack factor there. Old Mazepa’s supporters assisted the Hetman’s son in the implementation of the military and political cooperation between France and Crimea and the Ottoman Empire, but they also attempted to explain the essence of Russian policy aimed at terminating the independence of the Kosh both to the Khan and to Zaporozhian Cossacks in Crimea. The author concludes that as the envoy of the French Crown in Crimea, Hryhor Orlyk made the last attempt to involve the Crimean Khanate to the problems related to the restoration of the Cossack statehood solving the Crimean-Cossack problem, which had been consistent since the sixteenth century. All Mazepa supporters by conducting their activities in Crimea not only contributed to raising the issue of integrating the Cossack factor as an integral part into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, but also helped to legitimize and substantiate the latter in the concept of involving Turkey and the Crimean Khanate into the struggle for Ukraine’s liberation from Russian domination

MEDIA DAN POLITIK: STUDI KASUS KONSTRUKSI CITRA POLITIK JOKOWI-MA’RUF DAN PRABOWO-SANDIAGA DI KORAN JAWA POS DALAM PEMILU 2019

This study examines the correlation between reporting by the mass media and the marketing strategies desired by each success team in the 2019 Presidential Election. To find this out, the author uses discourse analysis from Fairclough, because this method is able to show the integration between a) text analysis, b) analysis of the production process, consumption and distribution of texts, and c) sociocultural analysis. There is no significant difference related to the reporting of Jokowi-Ma’ruf and Prabowo-Sandiaga in the Jawa Pos newspaper, both in qualitative and quantitative terms. Although there are similarities between the political image built by actors and the image constructed by the media, it does not mean that it is based on political cooperation. The selected setting and framing agenda is based on consideration of the selling value of information for the reader. This shows that the mass media as well as the opinion of Croteau and Hoynes (2001) in Stromback (2011) are considered to be oriented towards commercial businesses on how to serve the wants and needs of the audience and advertisers. However, the media and actors are mutually beneficial in this regard, because political reporting is a commodity sought by readers, while political actors need the media to deliver their political products to the public.

Merchants of Pherae. The role of maritime trade in relations between the Thessalian tyrants and Athens in the 4th century B.C.

According to Plutarch, the Athenians honoured Alexander of Pherae with a bronze statute. It is difficult to explain such a high award with the ephemeral political cooperation between Pherae and Athens. The Author aims to show that the honour could have resulted from the involvement of the family of the Pheraean tyrants in maritime trade with Athens. To substantiate this thesis, the Author collects arguments showing the existence of trade relations between Pagasae and Pireus and the Pheraeans’ involvement in maritime trade.

Борьба польской дипломатии за признание границ по Одеру-Нейсе и попытки установления дипломатических отношений между ПНР и ФРГ

The article examines the problems of Poland to recognize the western border by the FRG and establish diplomatic relations between the states in the post-war period. It is concluded that it was the reluctance of the federal government to recognize the Polish German border along the Oder-Neisse that created difficulties on the path of political cooperation between Poland and the FRG.