Overseas Chinese Policy of the PRC from Jiang Zemin to Xi Jinping (Part 2)

2021 ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Alina Afonasieva

The conclusion. Beginning at FES No. 4, 2021 The second part of the article analyzes the domestic policy towards overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren), re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants and re-emigrants (guiqiao-qiaojuan). Under Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (1993 — present), domestic policy towards overseas Chinese continued in three previously formed key areas: attracting investment, remittances, and donations. There are new and fundamentally important directions in domestic policy: conducting advertising and presentation events, creating specialized projects for business, and protecting the rights of huaqiao in the PRC. Domestic policy towards guiqiao-qiaojuan includes the creation of a legislative framework to protect their rights and interests in the PRC, and the development of specific projects for their adaptation and improvement of living conditions. One of these projects is the so-called overseas Chinese farms created under Mao Zedong for repatriates, in which the relatives of emigrants were also employed. The research is based on the main legislative acts and documents related to huaqiao-huaren and guiqiao-qiaojuan.   The article concludes that the modern overseas Chinese affairs policy of the PRC demonstrates full connection with the main external and internal development projects of the country. It has developed into a full-scale system of cooperation with overseas Chinese, considering the national interests and the interests of the diaspora as much as possible. This system works to attract and use the resources of the diaspora in accordance with the requests of the PRC, and to create a comfortable business environment for the Chinese in the world.

2021 ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Alina Afonasieva

The article is devoted to the PRC's overseas Chinese affairs policy during the reign of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (1993 — present).During this period, the previously created mechanisms of foreign policy towards Overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren) and domestic policy towards re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants and re-emigrants (guiqiao-qiaojuan) became a flexible system, which can adapt to the Chinese and international reality, and effectively attracting the resources of the diaspora to the implementation of large-scale projects and initiatives of the PRC. The first part of the article analyzes the theoretical views and attitudes of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping to work with the Chinese diaspora. It presents the theory of overseas Chinese as a unique resource and advantage for the large-scale development of the PRC; as a "three great available opportunities" for building a moderately prosperous society, combating separatism, developing public diplomacy; and as an important part of foreign relations of China and an as a supporting force for the stimulation the state's development. It outlines the guiding ideologies, key principles, and objectives of this work. It analyzes the main directions of foreign policy towards overseas Chinese. The author focuses on the issues of protecting the rights and interests of compatriots abroad, uniting the Chinese diaspora, attracting huaqiao-huazhen to the development of trade and economic cooperation of the PRC with foreign states and business, and organizing the participation of huaqiao-huazhen in the reunification of the motherland. The second part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the domestic policy towards overseas Chinese.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Eun Kyong Choi ◽  
John Wagner Givens ◽  
Andrew MacDonald

Abstract Many China watchers argue that Xi Jinping has concentrated power in his own hands in a manner unprecedented since the death of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. This article tests the extent of Xi's power consolidation by comparing the strength of his faction during his time in power to similar periods under his two immediate predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Furthermore, we investigate whether a dominant faction is emerging under Xi Jinping, replacing the power balancing between factions that was the norm throughout the reform era. Analysing factional affiliations of Chinese leaders in the top four ranks, we find that Xi has formed a dominant faction. Through statistical analysis of the promotion chances of provincial leaders, we find that Xi has been unusually successful when compared to previous leaders at promoting his clients. This suggests that Xi has boosted the power of his faction by elevating provincial leaders to an extent not seen since the death of Mao and Deng.


10.7249/cp797 ◽  
2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Chase ◽  
Cortez Cooper ◽  
Keith Crane ◽  
Liisa Ecola ◽  
Scott Harold ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
S. А. Prosekov

The article describes the history of the development of the economy and socio-political relations within the People’s Republic of China during the “reforms and opening up” since December 1978 The article gives a history of the progress of reforms before Xi Jinping came to power The paper examines each leader’s contribution from four generations of the country’s leaders in solving the problems of implementing economic and political reforms The author of the article describes the methods used by the leaders of the Celestial Empire to modernise the country to improve the wellbeing of the population and build “socialism with Chinese characteristic” The article provides a brief description of the achievements and failures in the process of leading the country by Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao.


2018 ◽  
pp. 196-205
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Seheda

Introduction. The article deals with the main problems of adaptation of the NBU monetary and credit regulation to the inflation-targeting mode. The main reasons for the low efficiency of the introduction of world experience in the field of monetary policy to domestic realities are considered. The methodical recommendations for increasing the efficiency of monetary regulation, optimizing the monetary mode of inflation targeting and implementing the monetary rule in the practice of realization of monetary policy of the NBU are developed. Purpose. The article aims to study the world experience in the field of adapting monetary and credit regulation to the monetary mode of inflation targeting on the example of New Zealand and to develop the theoretical and practical conclusions for Ukraine. Method (methodology). The following general scientific methods have been used in this research: method of synthesis and generalization (to substantiate the basic problems of monetary regulation in the context of realization of the monetary regime of inflation targeting in Ukraine); methods of analysis and comparison (to study the experience of New Zealand in the field of the formation of the monetary mode of inflationary regulation); statistical and mathematical methods (to develop monetary rule in Ukraine). Results. The main problems of low efficiency of monetary regulation in Ukraine that are related to the neglect of national interests, imbalances in the development of the national economy, inappropriate structure of exports and imports, negative business environment, and conditions for the absorption of monetary impulses have been identified. The experience of New Zealand in the field of the formation of the monetary mode of inflation targeting has been researched. It has been made the conclusion concerning a long transitional period during which, at the level of inflationary purposes, de facto, as intermediate monetary policy objectives, the exchange rate and liquidity of the banking system are used. The monetary rule for Ukraine has been developed. The methodical recommendations for increasing the effectiveness of the monetary and credit regulation of the NBU within the framework of flexible inflation targeting have been worked out.


Author(s):  
Fang Yuan
Keyword(s):  

Durante los últimos setenta años, China ha sido una estrella fulgurante en el campo de la cooperación internacional. El factor principal que contribuyó al ascenso exitoso del gigante asiático es el pragmatismo reflejado en sus estrategias de Cooperación Sur- Sur (CSS). El desarrollo de las estrategias tiene tres fases- el período de Mao Zedong (1949-1976), la época y la post-época de Deng Xiaoping (1978-2012) y la nueva etapa de Xi Jinping (desde 2013)- y en cada una observan reformas dirigidas, en vez de por las ideologías, por los intereses del Estado en diferentes contextos internacionales. Consecuentemente, el progreso de la CSS de China cambió la estructura política internacional, y ofreció experiencias y lecciones útiles para otros países en desarrollo. El presente trabajo va a analizar desde el vínculo de continuidad del pragmatismo las estrategias de la CSS de China a lo largo de las tres fases, y durante un período de tiempo que va desde la década de 1950 hasta la actualidad.


Subject The removal of presidential term limits. Significance China's constitution will be amended at the National People's Congress this month to remove a rule that prevents people from serving more than two consecutive terms as the country's president, state media report. The limit was introduced in the 1982 revision of the constitution that was part of a set of laws, rules and conventions designed to prevent China reverting to dictatorship as it had been under Mao Zedong. Removing the term limit will allow Xi Jinping to remain president after his second term ends in 2023, when he will be 69. Impacts Turnover in other leadership positions could slow down too, making the top echelons older and less diverse. Comparisons of Xi with Mao Zedong are for the most part misplaced; Xi is a conservative, not a radical. Despite consolidating power, Xi's second term may be more difficult due to more serious external challenges.


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