Overseas Chinese Affairs Policy of the PRC from Jiang Zemin to Xi Jinping (Part 1)

2021 ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Alina Afonasieva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Chinese Diaspora ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Flexible System ◽  
Jiang Zemin

The article is devoted to the PRC's overseas Chinese affairs policy during the reign of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (1993 — present).During this period, the previously created mechanisms of foreign policy towards Overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren) and domestic policy towards re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants and re-emigrants (guiqiao-qiaojuan) became a flexible system, which can adapt to the Chinese and international reality, and effectively attracting the resources of the diaspora to the implementation of large-scale projects and initiatives of the PRC. The first part of the article analyzes the theoretical views and attitudes of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping to work with the Chinese diaspora. It presents the theory of overseas Chinese as a unique resource and advantage for the large-scale development of the PRC; as a "three great available opportunities" for building a moderately prosperous society, combating separatism, developing public diplomacy; and as an important part of foreign relations of China and an as a supporting force for the stimulation the state's development. It outlines the guiding ideologies, key principles, and objectives of this work. It analyzes the main directions of foreign policy towards overseas Chinese. The author focuses on the issues of protecting the rights and interests of compatriots abroad, uniting the Chinese diaspora, attracting huaqiao-huazhen to the development of trade and economic cooperation of the PRC with foreign states and business, and organizing the participation of huaqiao-huazhen in the reunification of the motherland. The second part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the domestic policy towards overseas Chinese.

Overseas Chinese Policy of the PRC from Jiang Zemin to Xi Jinping (Part 2)

2021 ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Alina Afonasieva
Keyword(s):  
Business Environment ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Internal Development ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
Legislative Framework ◽  
Jiang Zemin

The conclusion. Beginning at FES No. 4, 2021 The second part of the article analyzes the domestic policy towards overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren), re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants and re-emigrants (guiqiao-qiaojuan). Under Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (1993 — present), domestic policy towards overseas Chinese continued in three previously formed key areas: attracting investment, remittances, and donations. There are new and fundamentally important directions in domestic policy: conducting advertising and presentation events, creating specialized projects for business, and protecting the rights of huaqiao in the PRC. Domestic policy towards guiqiao-qiaojuan includes the creation of a legislative framework to protect their rights and interests in the PRC, and the development of specific projects for their adaptation and improvement of living conditions. One of these projects is the so-called overseas Chinese farms created under Mao Zedong for repatriates, in which the relatives of emigrants were also employed. The research is based on the main legislative acts and documents related to huaqiao-huaren and guiqiao-qiaojuan.   The article concludes that the modern overseas Chinese affairs policy of the PRC demonstrates full connection with the main external and internal development projects of the country. It has developed into a full-scale system of cooperation with overseas Chinese, considering the national interests and the interests of the diaspora as much as possible. This system works to attract and use the resources of the diaspora in accordance with the requests of the PRC, and to create a comfortable business environment for the Chinese in the world.

Public Opinion and the War in Vietnam

1967 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney Verba ◽  
Richard A. Brody ◽  
Edwin B. Parker ◽  
Norman H. Nie ◽  
Nelson W. Polsby ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Life And Death

Foreign policy seems to command more public attention than domestic policy and yet—insofar as it has been, researched—public opinion on foreign policy seems to have less impact on governmental decisions than does opinion in most other issue areas. There are at least two reasons, one normative and one empirical, why public opinion can be regarded as pertinent to some foreign policy questions—especially those associated with “life and death.” Normatively, it is desirable for political leaders in a democracy to commit national resources in ways generally approved by the populace. Large scale military commtiments should, if at all possible, meet with the approval of public opinion. Empirically, if they do not, experience has shown there are circumstances in which public disapproval of the course of foreign policy may be registered in national elections. Specifically, our one recent experience with a situation of partial mobilization and a limited but large-scale and indefinite commitment to military action in Korea did in time produce a distribution of opinion that suggested the war was very unpopular. And though its precise impact on the 1952 presidential election is difficult to assess there is little doubt that the Korean issue contributed significantly to the Eisenhower landslide.Among the questions raised by the Korean experience is whether the American public will easily tolerate the prosecution of long drawn-out wars of partial mobilization. Therefore, it is not surprising that another such war, in Vietnam, has stimulated a concern with public opinion.

Further – Without the Testaments-3 (“Chinese dream”, Likonomics, ambitions of leadership)

2014 ◽  
pp. 13-23
Author(s):  
V. Mikheev ◽  
S. Lukonin ◽  
Y. Lukonina
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Short Term Forecast ◽  
Chinese Dream ◽  
Term Forecast ◽  
Critical Problems

The article analyzes current socio-political and economic situation in China after Xi Jinping coming to power. The article emphasizes the most critical problems in the ideological sphere, domestic policy, economy, social and foreign policy of China, inherited from the previous leaders. Also the short term forecast of socio-political and economic development of China is submitted. New details of emerging Chinese foreign policy doctrine marked. The article shows China’s “New concernment” in the development of Sino-Russian relations as a counterweight to Sino-US relations.

Walter Clemens: Foreign Policy Implications of Nationality Unrest

1990 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-23
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Western Countries

My topic is foreign relations. I would like to look at the implications of the nationality problem for Moscow, for some of the union republics, for the United States, and for other Western countries. It is always difficult to draw a line between foreign policy and domestic policy, but, when one considers the implications of the nationality problem for foreign policy, it becomes especially hard to pull them apart.

Public Opinion and US Foreign Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas J. Cull
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us History ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Foreign Relations

Public opinion has been part of US foreign relations in two key ways. As one would expect in a democracy, the American public has shaped the foreign policy of its government. No less significantly, the United States has sought to influence foreign public opinion as a tool of its diplomacy, now known as public diplomacy. The US public has also been a target of foreign attempts at influence with varying degrees of success. While analysis across the span of US history reveals a continuity of issues and approaches, issues of public opinion gained unprecedented salience in the second decade of the 21st century. This salience was not matched by scholarship.

Maxims of Foreign Policy

Itinerario ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
W.J. Boot
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
Cultural Sphere ◽  
Japanese Identity

In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

Sub-state actors and foreign policy risk-taking: The Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-369
Author(s):  
David Romano
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Risk Taking ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
External Environment ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Policy Risk

The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how “regime consolidation” plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present “one face” to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena.  Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part. Abstract in Kurmanji Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa “xurtkirina rejîmê” roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir “rûyekî” nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve. Abstract in Sorani Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî ‘êrraq Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon “ptewkirdnî rjêm” rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin “yek rûîy” pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt. Abstract in Zazaki Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî   No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke “konsolîdasyonê rejîmî” senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi “yew rî” teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.

Capitalising upon Globalisation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Webber
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Development ◽  
Macroeconomic Policy ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
Gordon Brown ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
At Home

Having mapped out in the previous chapter, New Labour’s often contradictory and even ‘politically-convenient’ understanding of globalisation, chapter 3 offers analysis of three key areas of domestic policy that Gordon Brown would later transpose to the realm of international development: (i) macroeconomic policy, (ii) business, and (iii) welfare. Since, according to Brown at least, globalisation had resulted in a blurring of the previously distinct spheres of domestic and foreign policy, it made sense for those strategies and policy decisions designed for consumption at home to be transposed abroad. The focus of this chapter is the design of these three areas of domestic policy; the unmistakeable imprint of Brown in these areas and their place in building of New Labour’s political economy. Strikingly, Brown’s hand in these policies and the themes that underpinned them would again reappear in the international development policies explored in much greater detail later in the book.

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