A Study on the Change of Overseas Chinese policy in Contemporary China-Focused on the Xi Jinping"s “Grand Overseas Chinese policy”

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 611-629
Author(s):  
Seung-hyun Choi
2021 ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Alina Afonasieva

The conclusion. Beginning at FES No. 4, 2021 The second part of the article analyzes the domestic policy towards overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren), re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants and re-emigrants (guiqiao-qiaojuan). Under Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (1993 — present), domestic policy towards overseas Chinese continued in three previously formed key areas: attracting investment, remittances, and donations. There are new and fundamentally important directions in domestic policy: conducting advertising and presentation events, creating specialized projects for business, and protecting the rights of huaqiao in the PRC. Domestic policy towards guiqiao-qiaojuan includes the creation of a legislative framework to protect their rights and interests in the PRC, and the development of specific projects for their adaptation and improvement of living conditions. One of these projects is the so-called overseas Chinese farms created under Mao Zedong for repatriates, in which the relatives of emigrants were also employed. The research is based on the main legislative acts and documents related to huaqiao-huaren and guiqiao-qiaojuan.   The article concludes that the modern overseas Chinese affairs policy of the PRC demonstrates full connection with the main external and internal development projects of the country. It has developed into a full-scale system of cooperation with overseas Chinese, considering the national interests and the interests of the diaspora as much as possible. This system works to attract and use the resources of the diaspora in accordance with the requests of the PRC, and to create a comfortable business environment for the Chinese in the world.


1970 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Fitzgerald

The Chinese Communist Party and the “Overseas Chinese Problem”The “Overseas Chinese problem” in South-East Asia is most commonly understood to be a problem which confronts the governments and indigenous peoples of the region, or other governments which have an interest in South-East Asia, or sometimes the Overseas Chinese themselves. It is seldom perceived as a “problem” for the Chinese Government, except in so far as China is thought to have encountered certain obstacles to political and economic exploitation of a relationship which appears deceptively simple, and which seems to offer very considerable advantages to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Yet the evolution of China's Overseas Chinese policy since 1949 reveals a growing awareness on the part of the CCP that there were many intractable problems associated with its overseas population, both in the pursuit of foreign policies in South-East Asia and in the very nature of the Overseas Chinese relationship with China.


China Report ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-178
Author(s):  
M. Venkataraman

Author(s):  
Alina V. Afonasieva

From both theoretical and practical points of view, the contemporary Overseas Chinese policy of the PRC is largely based on the experience gained during the de facto reign of Deng Xiaoping (1977–1992). In the shortest possible time after the end of the "cultural revolution (1966-1976)" Deng was succeeded to carry out restoration work on interaction with the diaspora and include it in the strategic development plan of the PRC for decades ahead. Talking about the PRC's Overseas Chinese policy, the author minds both the foreign policy – towards overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren: emigrants and ethnic Chinese with foreign citizenship, and the internal policy – towards re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants in the PRC (guiqiao-qiaojuan), who are directly connected with Overseas Chinese.  The article analyzes the first steps of Deng Xiaoping's team to restore work with the Chinese diaspora before the official announcement of the policy of reform and opening-up: reconstruction of the administrative structure for Overseas Chinese Affairs, planning the main directions of work with diaspora, including it in the strategic development plan of the PRC. The author explains the legal details and examines the main theoretical approaches to the work with the diaspora in the first years of reform and opening-up. The paper deals with the processes of creating the basis for long-term cooperation between the PRC and the Chinese diaspora. It concludes that Deng Xiaoping completely restored external and internal work with the diaspora and created conditions for further comprehensive cooperation with it in the short, medium, and long term.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ngok Kinglun ◽  
Philip Y. K. Cheng ◽  
Joseph Y. S. Cheng

2019 ◽  
Vol 242 ◽  
pp. 550-572
Author(s):  
Philip Hsiaopong Liu

AbstractChinese national identity has long been considered to have been an obstacle to Singapore's nation-building efforts. This is mainly because China was suspected of using its ethnic links to encourage Singapore's communist rebellions during the 1950s and 1960s as Lee Kuan Yew was working towards establishing the city state. This study reviews Lee's exchanges with Beijing and argues that he gave China the impression that he was building an anticolonial, pro-China nation. Beijing therefore responded positively to Lee's requests for support. Reiterating its overseas Chinese policy to Lee, Beijing sided with him against his political rivals and even acquiesced in his suppression of Chinese-speaking “communists.” In addition, China boosted Lee's position against Tunku Abdul Rahman, supported Singapore's independence and lobbied Indonesia to recognize the territory as a separate state. China thus actually played a helpful role in Singapore's nation building.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 171-208
Author(s):  
Paweł Bielicki

The main purpose of my considerations will be to present the most important determinants and relationships that characterize China-North Korea relations during the presidency of Xi Jinping. Based on the available literature on the subject, I would like to try to answer the question whether the relations of the two entities should be considered as rough friendship or long-term partnership. In addition, I intend to state whether mutual ties should be expected in the future.At the beginning I will describe the relations between China and North Korea during the Cold War, when both countries fought in the Korean conflict against the United States and the United Nations. In addition, it would be appropriate to look at the relations of both entities from 1955 to the fall of the USSR, when the North Korean dictator, Kim Il-sung, as part of his doctrine of independence (Juche) balanced in foreign policy between China and the Soviet Union. Post-Cold War times and Beijing’s relationship with Pyongyang will also be of interest to me until 2013, when the North Korean nuclear program became an increasingly contentious issue. In the rest of the work, it will be important to describe the relationship of both countries since Xi Jinping took power in China and Kim Jong Un in North Korea. At that time, despite official declarations of cooperation, relations between the two countries remained cool. It was only the direct negotiations between North Korea and the United States since 2018 that increased its importance in Chinese policy, as evidenced by the visit of the to Pyongyang discussed in the text in June 2019. In the article I intend to raise economic contacts between both entities.In summary, I am trying to answer the question of how relations between China and North Korea will develop in the future. I intend to assess whether the growing role of the DPRK in an international configuration it can contribute to wider, strategic ties with Beijing.


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