scholarly journals A superação da concepção liberal de liberdade em Hannah Arendt

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-214
Author(s):  
Edson kretle Santos ◽  
Ricardo Corrêa de Araujo

Este artigo pretende confrontar duas noções acerca da noção de liberdade, temática central na Filosofia Política. De um lado, partiremos de algumas reflexões do liberalismo político, onde no primeiro momento, exploraremos a obra Dois Conceitos de Liberdade (Two Concepts of Liberty), de Isaiah Berlin. Para esse autor a liberdade negativa (negative liberty - “estar livre de”) e, não a liberdade positiva (positive liberty - “estar livre para”), deve ser a maior preocupação dos corpos políticos, ou seja, o Estado deve existir para evitar que a liberdade individual seja reduzida pela própria interferência do Estado ou de outros sujeitos. De encontro a essa ideia, e ancorados em Arendt, desejamos sustentar que um dos grandes problemas do liberalismo político é a não ação (negative liberty), isto é, a falta de participação do cidadão nos assuntos e nas decisões políticas. Ao mostrar isso, defenderemos em Arendt o papel central da liberdade positiva (political freedom) da ação e da fala, e, consequentemente, a possibilidade de um republicanismo cívico como alternativa ao isolamento e apatia políticas gestados pela liberdade burguesa, uma vez que, para Arendt, a aposta de Berlin e da tradição liberal são insuficientes para pensarmos os acontecimentos da política contemporânea. Palavras-chave: Política; Liberdade; Liberalismo; Cidadania; Arendt.

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gina Gustavsson

Does an increasing emphasis on individual freedom in mass values erode or revitalize democratic societies? This paper offers a new approach to this debate by examining it through the lens of Isaiah Berlin, and his distinction between positive and negative freedom. I show that, contrary to the common assumption among scholars who study mass values regarding freedom, these do not consist of one dimension but two: negative and positive freedom. I also show that, while valuing negative liberty clearly leads a person to become more morally permissive and more condoning of non-compliance with legal norms, valuing positive liberty does not seem to have the same effects at all; in fact, it shows the very opposite relationship with respect to some of these attitudes. Thus, it matters what kind of freedom people value. The results rely on confirmatory factor and regression analyses on World Values Survey data from ten affluent Western countries in 2005–2006.


Author(s):  
Ryan Patrick Hanley

Our understanding of the freedom advanced by the political thinkers of the Enlightenment has long been dominated by two conceptual categories, negative and positive liberty. Yet this convenient dichotomy obscures appreciation of the ways in which these two concepts of liberty can and often do work together. This chapter aims to redress this by examining the conception of freedom set forth by three key Enlightenment thinkers: Adam Smith, Rousseau, and Kant. It argues that their concept of “moral” or “inner” freedom suggests an important way in which positive liberty can promote ends traditionally associated with negative liberty. Specifically, these philosophers regard moral freedom as inextricable from political freedom insofar as moral freedom enables us to shoulder the burdens of political freedom. Thus their concept of freedom offers good reasons not only to question the separation between positive and negative freedom, but to regard moral freedom as indispensable to political freedom.


Think ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (48) ◽  
pp. 25-37
Author(s):  
Kei Hiruta

Amid the ongoing political turmoil, symbolized by the recent violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, books and articles abound today to encourage us to re-read anti-totalitarian classics ‘for our times’. But what do we find in this body of work originally written in response to Nazism and Stalinism? Do we find a democratic consensus forged by a shared anti-totalitarian commitment? I doubt it. Considering the cases of Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt, this article highlights discord beneath what may today appear like a post-war democratic consensus. I argue that the anti-totalitarian literature of the last century encompassed multiple political philosophies, which sometimes differed irreconcilably from each other.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
Paul Delany

Between Aristotle and Hegel, none of the major Western philosophers were married. Is abstract thinking, at its highest, incompatible with the messiness of everyday life? At the age of nineteen, Isaiah Berlin said he was ‘vowed to eternal celibacy’. Was there a connection between his sexual abstinence and his choice of analytical philosophy as a career? During World War II he fell in love with the gentile Patricia de Bendern; this frustrating affair coincided with Berlin’s shift from abstract logic to the history of ideas. In 1956 he took a Jewish bride, Aline Halban. His personal history reflects difficulties in choosing between endogamy and exogamy, Zionism and the diaspora, negative and positive liberty.


Author(s):  
Alan Ryan

This chapter on Isaiah Berlin’s Four Essays on Liberty centers on the most famous piece in it, “Two Concepts of Liberty.” As a matter of genre, it is an essay in conceptual analysis. Because liberty is a historically inflected concept, it is also an essay in the history of ideas. The chapter argues that Berlin was a “Cold War liberal” only in the limited sense that he campaigned against all doctrines that licensed the sacrifice of real individuals on the altar of impersonal entities such as the proletariat or the nation, and Soviet Communism was a salient case both because of the Cold War and Berlin’s own Russian origins. Individuals have an inviolability that governments of any stripe must not infringe. That is the core of negative liberty. Positively, Berlin’s faith was that unimpeded, individuals with adequate resources would spontaneously lead varied and vivid existences.


Author(s):  
B. Parekh

Hannah Arendt was one of the leading political thinkers of the twentieth century. She observed Nazi totalitarianism at close quarters and devoted much of her life to making sense of it. In her view it mobilized the atomized masses around a simple-minded ideology, and devised a form of rule in which bureaucratically minded officials performed murderous deeds with a clear conscience. For Arendt the only way to avoid totalitarianism was to establish a well-ordered political community that encouraged public participation and institutionalized political freedom. She considered politics to be one of the highest human activities because it enabled citizens to reflect on their collective life, to give meaning to their personal lives and to develop a creative and cohesive community. She was deeply worried that the economically obsessed modern age discouraged political activity, and created morally superficial people susceptible to the appeal of mindless adventurism.


Author(s):  
Jason Brennan

How do libertarians define “liberty”? Philosophers say there are two major kinds of liberty: negative liberty and positive liberty. We often use the words “liberty” or “freedom” to refer to an absence of obstacles, impediments, or constraints. Philosophers call this negative liberty....


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