scholarly journals Anti-government Non-state Armed Actors in the Conflict in Eastern Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-64
Author(s):  
Tomáš Šmíd ◽  
Alexandra Šmídová
Keyword(s):  

This article presents the main ANSA involved in the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. It focusses on an analysis of the specific phenomenon of the opolchentsy - Narodnoe opolchenie Donbassa. The aim of this paper is to introduce and describe these actors and to ground them in certain theoretical conceptions. The paper also tracks the changing motivations of the various ANSA brought under the umbrella of the quasi-state actor NOD throughout the conflict, and the changing array of formations that made up the opolchenie during a particular period of time. Evidently, the opolchenie do not fit into the usual classifications of ANSA.

2018 ◽  
Vol 237 ◽  
pp. 58-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Howell

AbstractSince 2015 rights-based NGOs, lawyers, feminists and journalists have endured the most stringent crackdown since 1989. Simultaneously the Xi Li administration has pushed forward a series of laws, policies and regulatory changes to enable service-oriented NGOs to apply for government contracts to provide welfare services. This seemingly Janus-like policy of welfarist incorporation can be traced back to the Hu–Wen period, often described as a lacklustre period, despite significant efforts to tackle issues of poverty and inequality. This article argues for a more balanced appraisal of this period by exploring in depth the complex politics underpinning efforts to pluralize welfare provision by involving service-oriented NGOs. It explores three sets of politics influencing this policy process: inter-institutional politics; state/non-state actor politics; and domestic/external politics. Furthermore, it considers processes of gradual institutional change adopted by key political actors to achieve these ends.


Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR PAHIRIA

The article examines one of the little-studied aspects of the subversive operation of Poland and Hungary against Carpatho-Ukraine, namely the military cooperation between the Carpathian Sich and the Czechoslovak Army and security agencies (StOS, gendarmery, state police, and financial guard) in the protection of the borders of the autonomous region against attacks by Polish and Hungarian saboteurs in fall 1938 – early 1939. Drawing on Czech and Polish archival materials, as well as memoirs, the author establishes the role of Czechoslovak officers in the provision of arms, ammunition, and training for the Carpathian Sich units, as well as in their engagement in joint intelligence and counter-sabotage activities in the border areas with Poland and Hungary. Such actions produced a joint Czech-Ukrainian response to the undeclared "hybrid war" waged by Poland and Hungary against Carpatho-Ukraine, which final aim was to establish a common frontier in the Carpathians. Despite its largely secondary (auxiliary) function in this operation, the Carpathian Sich members were able not only to demonstrate efficiency in the fight against Hungarian and Polish militants but at the same time to become a source of information for the Czechoslovak intelligence. From the point of view of the Czechoslovak command's interests, the Carpathian Sich served as a "non-state actor," who was trying to counter-balance the enemy's non-regular formations. The mentioned military cooperation marked the first stage in relations between the Carpathian Sich and the Czechoslovak military that started in the first half of November 1938 and ended in mid-January 1939 with the nomination by Prague of Czech general Lev Prchala as the third minister in the autonomous government of Carpatho-Ukraine. For the Carpathian Sich, the cooperation with the Czechoslovak security agencies produced their first combat experience and served as the source of replenishment of its scarce arsenal. Keywords: Carpatho-Ukraine, Carpathian Sich, sabotage, Poland, Hungary, "Lom" operation.


Global Focus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-71
Author(s):  
Naufal Fikhri Khairi ◽  
◽  
Amaliya Mulyanor ◽  
Fitria Winda Sari ◽  
Nurul Zhafira

The purpose of this paper is to determine the factors that have stopped the Sister City cooperation between Malang City and Fuqing City in the field of soybean commodity. Fulfilling the need for imported soybeans is important for Malang, because it is well-known for its many ‘Keripik Tempe’ producers or commonly called ‘IKM Tempe’, so that the potential for Fuqing imported soybean is important to be realized. The study used a qualitative descriptive method, and used the Paradiplomacy Concept and the Sister City Concept in explaining the cooperation between Malang City and Fuqing City. The results obtained were the cooperation between sister city Malang City and Fuqing City in the field of soybean commodity which ‘failed’ because soybeans from Fuqing were of lower quality than soybeans imported from United States and had large production losses, so that the IKM Tempe in Malang preferred to use imported United States soybeans and stopped the use of imported Fuqing soybeans. Until now, the two city governments have not been heard meeting to discuss this issue, which makes the city government as a sub-state actor not yet having a strong commitment to this cooperation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 920-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naghmeh Nasiritousi ◽  
Mattias Hjerpe ◽  
Karin Bäckstrand

The participation of non-state actors in multilateral institutions is often portrayed as one way of decreasing the perceived legitimacy deficit in global governance. The literature on non-state actors has identified several ways in which these actors can enhance the legitimacy of intergovernmental organisations and global governance arrangements. Three partially competing normative arguments, or rationales, for the inclusion of non-state actors in international policymaking — functionalism, neocorporatism and democratic pluralism — have been identified. Whereas functionalism highlights the contribution of non-state actors to output legitimacy in terms of expertise, neocorporatism emphasises the inclusion of affected interests, and democratic pluralism claims that non-state actors increase input legitimacy through procedural values. These three normative arguments thus offer different understandings of the motives for the inclusion and representation of non-state actors in international negotiations and diplomacy. Through a single case study of United Nations climate diplomacy, we analyse the extent to which the three rationales for non-state actor inclusion are found in views held by state and non-state actors participating in the annual United Nations climate change conferences. Our results show that different actor groups place varying degrees of emphasis on the different rationales for non-state actor inclusion, even though the neocorporatist rationale remains most favoured overall. We discuss the implications of our findings for the democratic legitimacy of increasing participation of non-state actors in intergovernmental affairs and recent trends in the participation of non-state actors in the international climate change policymaking process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Syazana Fauzi

This study seeks to ascertain the state actor dynamics in Brunei’s healthcare policies from the perspectives of an Islamic system of governance, by first identifying the state actors, or institutions, involved in influencing, formulating and implementing Brunei’s healthcare policies. The ‘IGC Matrix’ is employed to establish the Islamic health ‘sets of expectations’ (SoEs), particularly in terms of prevention and treatment, and medical ethics, primarily derived from the Qur’ān and Prophet Muhammadﷺ’s Sunnah, in order to construct for this study a framework of reference. The SoEs are then compared against Brunei’s healthcare policies and activities to determine how much of the Islamic health SoEs are met. This study reveals that Brunei’s healthcare policies are largely motivated by non-Islamic inspirations, specifically by the World Health Organisation (WHO), but with numerous overlaps with Islamic demands. In other words, Brunei’s healthcare policies may be stemmed from a non-Islamic influence, but it does not necessarily mean that they are un-Islamic. And most, if not all, of Brunei’s healthcare policies demonstrate a top-down approach, where the state actors play a crucial role in shaping Brunei’s dynamical SoEs.


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