scholarly journals Cost of Production for Fresh Market Grapefruit Grown in Indian River, 2016/17

EDIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Singerman

This 5-page fact sheet written by Ariel Singerman and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department presents the cost of production per acre for growing fresh grapefruit in the Indian River region during 2016/17. Typical users of the estimates include growers and consultants, who use them as a benchmark; property appraisers, who use them to compute the taxes for property owners; and researchers, who use the estimates to evaluate the economic feasibility of potential new technologies. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1037

EDIS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (5) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Ariel Singerman

This 4-page fact sheet written by Ariel Singerman and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department presents the cost of production per acre for growing fresh grapefruit in the Indian River region during 2017/18. The methodology chosen to collect the data consisted of surveying growers directly to closely reflect growers' costs in the era of citrus greening. Typical users of the estimates in the fact sheet include growers and consultants, who use them as a benchmark; property appraisers, who use them to compute the taxes for property owners; and researchers, who use the estimates to evaluate the economic feasibility of potential new technologies. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1066


EDIS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (2) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Ariel Singerman

This 4-page fact sheet written by Ariel Singerman and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department presents the cost of production per acre for growing fresh grapefruit in the Indian River region during 2018/19. Estimates reflect costs and cultural practices for a panel of growers, particularly important information at this time because, since citrus greening (HLB) was found, growers have been modifying their practices from year to year in an attempt to cope with the disease. https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1078


EDIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Singerman

This 5-page fact sheet written by Ariel Singerman and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department summarizes the cost of production per acre for processed oranges grown in southwest Florida during the 2016/17 season. Typical users of the estimates include growers and consultants, who use them as a benchmark; property appraisers, who use them to compute the taxes for property owners; and researchers, who use the estimates to evaluate the economic feasibility of potential new technologies. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1038


EDIS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Singerman

This 4-page fact sheet written by Ariel Singerman and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department presents a summary of the 2017/18 costs of production for processed oranges grown in southwest Florida. Typical users of these estimates include growers and consultants, who use them as a benchmark; property appraisers, who use them to compute the taxes for property owners; and researchers, who use the estimates to evaluate the economic feasibility of potential new technologies. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1056


EDIS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (2) ◽  
pp. 4
Author(s):  
Ariel Singerman

This 4-page fact sheet written by Ariel Singerman and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department estimates the cost of production per acre for processed oranges grown in southwest Florida in 2018/19 based on a survey of southwest Florida growers. https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1077


EDIS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Singerman ◽  
Marina Burani Arouca

This article focuses on the costs of managing exotic citrus diseases as they become endemic or established within a citrus industry, and Florida is used as an example. In particular, the figures in this article represent the cost of production for processed juice oranges in the Southwest Florida region and fresh market grapefruit in the Indian River region.


EDIS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (6) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Tara Wade ◽  
Barbara Hyman ◽  
Eugene McAvoy

Enterprise budgets can assist with forecasting as well as help managers coordinate resources, make production decisions, examine expenditures, and anticipate outcomes from changes in production practices. They can help producers determine what to produce, how many acres to produce, the cost of production, and the necessary price to be profitable. This 6-page fact sheet written by Tara Wade, Barbara Hyman, and Eugene McAvoy and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department describes the process used to create the 2018-19 enterprise budget for bell peppers in southwest Florida.


EDIS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (6) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Tara Wade ◽  
Barbara Hyman ◽  
Eugene McAvoy ◽  
John Vansickle

Enterprise budgets are effective planning tools for growers in search of help with forecasting, resource coordination, and better production decisions. In essence, enterprise budgets can help producers determine what to produce, how many acres to produce, the cost of production, and the necessary price to be profitable. This 5-page fact sheet written by Tara Wade, Barbara Hyman, Eugene McAvoy, and John VanSickle and published by the UF/IFAS Food and Resource Economics Department describes the process used to create the 2017/18 enterprise budget for tomatoes in southwest Florida and includes resources for producers interested in creating enterprise budgets for their own operations.https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe1087


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lemley

Things are valuable because they are scarce. The more abundant they become,they cheaper they become. But a series of technological changes is underwaythat promises to end scarcity as we know it for a wide variety of goods.The Internet is the most obvious example, because the change there isfurthest along. The Internet has reduced the cost of production anddistribution of informational content effectively to zero. In many cases ithas also dramatically reduced the cost of producing that content. And ithas changed the way in which information is distributed, separating thecreators of content from the distributors.More recently, new technologies promise to do for a variety of physicalgoods and even services what the Internet has already done for information.3D printers can manufacture physical goods based on any digital design.Synthetic biology has automated the manufacture not just of copies ofexisting genetic sequences but any custom-made gene sequence, allowinganyone who want to create a gene sequence of their own to upload thesequence to a company that will “print” it using the basic building blocksof genetics. And advances in robotics offer the prospect that many of theservices humans now provide can be provided free of charge bygeneral-purpose machines that can be programmed to perform a variety ofcomplex functions. While none of these technologies are nearly as far alongas the Internet, they share two essential characteristics with theInternet: they radically reduce the cost of production and distribution ofthings, and they separate the informational content of those things (thedesign) from their manufacture. Combine these four developments – theInternet, 3D printing, robotics, and synthetic biology – and it is entirelyplausible to envision a not-too-distant world in which most things thatpeople want can be downloaded and created on site for very little money.The role of IP in such a world is both controverted and criticallyimportant. IP rights are designed to artificially replicate scarcity whereit would not otherwise exist. In its simplest form, IP law takes publicgoods that would otherwise be available to all and artificially restrictstheir distribution. It makes ideas scarce, because then we can bring theminto the economy and charge for them, and economics knows how to deal withscarce things. So on one view – the classical view of IP law – a world inwhich all the value resides in information is a world in which we need IPeverywhere, controlling rights over everything, or no one will get paid tocreate. That has been the response of IP law to the Internet so far.But that response is problematic for a couple of reasons. First, it doesn’tseem to be working. By disaggregating creation, production, anddistribution, the Internet democratized access to content. Copyright ownershave been unable to stop a flood of piracy with 50,000 lawsuits, a host ofnew and increasingly draconian laws, and a well-funded public educationcampaign that starts in elementary school. Second, even if we could use IPto rein in all this low-cost production and distribution of stuff, we maynot want to. The point of IP has always been, not to raise prices andreduce consumption for its own sake, but to encourage people to createthings when they otherwise wouldn’t. More and more evidence casts doubt onthe link between IP and creation, however. Empirical evidence suggests thatoffering money may actually stifle rather than drive creativity amongindividuals. Economic evidence suggests that quite often it is competition,not the lure of monopoly, that drives corporate innovation. The Internetmay have spawned unprecedented piracy, but it has also given rise to thecreation of more works of all types than ever before in history, often bymultiple orders of magnitude.Far from necessitating more IP protection, then, the development ofcost-reducing technologies may actually weaken the case for IP. If peopleare intrinsically motivated to create, as they seem to be, the easier it isto create and distribute content, the more content is likely to beavailable even in the absence of IP. And if the point of IP is to encourageeither the creation or the distribution of that content, cost-reducingtechnologies may actually mean we have less, not more, need for IP.IP rights are a form of government regulation of market entry and marketprices. We regulated all sorts of industries in the 20th century, fromairlines to trucking to telephones to electric power, often because wecouldn’t conceive of how the industry could survive without the governmentpreventing entry by competitors. Towards the end of that century, however,we experimented with deregulation, and it turned out that the market couldprovide many of those services better in the absence of governmentregulation. The same thing may turn out to be true of IP regulation in the21st century. We didn’t get rid of all regulation by any means, and wewon’t get rid of all IP. But we came to understand that the free market,not government control over entry, is the right default position in theabsence of a persuasive justification for limiting that market. Theelimination of scarcity will put substantial pressure on the law to do thesame with IP.A world without scarcity requires a major rethinking of economics, much asthe decline of the agrarian economy did in the 19th century. How will oureconomy function in a world in which most of the things we produce arecheap or free? We have lived with scarcity for so long that it is hard evento begin to think about the transition to a post-scarcity economy. IP hasallowed us to cling to scarcity as an organizing principle in a world thatno longer demands it. But it will no more prevent the transition thanagricultural price supports kept us all farmers. We need a post-scarcityeconomics, one that accepts rather than resists the new opportunitiestechnology will offer us. Developing that economics is the great task ofthe 21st century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-122
Author(s):  
Suriadi Suriadi

This research aims to analyze the amount of income earned by farmers from cocoa farming. This research was conducted from May to June 2013 in Siontapina village of Lasalimu Sub-district of Buton Regency. The research sample is determined by sample random techniques (Simple random sampling method) with 30 people. Research data obtained through direct interviews with farmer respondents using a questionnaire. While secondary data is obtained from the village office/administrative and related institutions were analyzed descriptively and quantitatively used to determine the level of income by the formula : N1 = TR- TC, TR = P x Q, TC = TFC + TVC, comparative analysis: Revenue - cost ratio for comparing the difference between the value of production and the cost of production by the formula RC ratio : R/C = Revenue (TR) / Total Cost (TC). The results showed that the income earned by farmers from cocoa farming with land area ranges between 1 to 3 ha of IDR 8,109,000 - 35,437,000/year, with income per capita monthly average IDR 675,750,00 so that Siontapina village had not been considered poor, the average income earned by farmers in cocoa farming with land area- average of 2,05 hectares of IDR 18,426,767/year. Cocoa farming by farmers still does because based on the results of feasibility analysis obtained a value of 5.7. This illustrates that every cost IDR 1.00 incurred by farmers will gain acceptance by IDR 5.7. So, farmers are expected to carry cocoa farming is more responsive and responsive to the presence of new technologies that can increase cocoa production.   Keywords: revenue, cost of production, cocoa.


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