Kamusal Alan ve Göç Almanya’daki Türkiyeli Göçmenlerin Ulusötesi Alanı Üzerine Bir İnceleme

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172
Author(s):  
Emre Eren Korkmaz

Bu makalede göç çalışmaları ve demokrasi teorilerine katkıyı amaçlayan bir teorik çerçeve sunulacaktır. Demokrasi teorilerinin/siyaset teorisinin önemli kavramlarından olan kamusal alan ile göç çalışmalarında göçmen ağlarının önemini gündemine alan ulusötesi alanın birlikte değerlendirmesi her iki teorik yaklaşımı da güçlendirecek bir imkan sunmaktadır. Bunun bir yönü göçmen toplu-luklarının ulusötesi alanının özelliklerinin ve gündemlerinin kamusal alanı etkilemesi ve her iki alan arasında sürekli bir etkileşimin olmasıdır. İkinci yönü ise ulusötesi alanın bazı özelliklerinin kamusal alan niteliği göstermesi ve belirli açılardan ulusötesi alanın bir kamusal alan hüviyetinde açığa çıkmasıdır, bu açıdan iki kamusal alanın çakıştığı bir mekandaki ilişkiler değerlendirilmektedir. Bu teorik çerçeve Almanya’daki Türkiyeli göçmenlerin misafir işçilikten kalıcılığa geçişine dair tarihsel perspektif üzerinden temellendirilecektir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHPublic Space and Migration: An Examination of the Transnational Space of Immigrants from Turkey in GermanyLarge number of migrants, who have been employed in various industries for decades, who pay taxes, are consumers and carry out their obligations are however unable to fully participate in the political process because of limitations and requirements of citizenship policies. In some cases they are even barred from having a say in local administration. Representation and participation processes are however not limited to voting or being represented in the central or local administration. For instance, many Turkey-origin immigrants in Germany who are unable to vote in municipal elections can be elected as worker representatives and distinguish themselves as outstanding political figures, as they speak on behalf of all workers. This article elaborates transnational social spaces of immigrants as a unique form of public sphere and demonstrate the similarities between the birth of the public sphere and formation of the transnational social space focusing on the experiences of Turkey-origin migrant workers in Germany.

Author(s):  
Julie Firmstone

Editorial journalism and newspapers’ editorial opinions represent an area of research that can make an important contribution to our understanding of the relationship between the press and politics. Editorials are a distinctive format and are the only place in a newspaper where the opinions of a paper as an organization are explicitly represented. Newspapers and the journalists who write editorials play a powerful role in constructing political debate in the public sphere. They use their editorial voice to attempt to influence politics either indirectly, through reaching public opinion, or directly, by targeting politicians. Editorial journalism is at its most persuasive during elections, when newspapers traditionally declare support for candidates and political parties. Despite the potential of editorial opinions to influence democratic debate, and controversy over the way newspapers and their proprietors use editorials to intervene in politics, editorial journalism is under-researched. Our understanding of the significance of this distinctive form of journalism can be better understood by exploring four key themes. First, asking “What is editorial journalism?” establishes the context of editorial journalism as a unique practice with opinion-leading intentions. Several characteristics of editorial journalism distinguish it from other formats and genres. Editorials (also known as leading articles) require a distinctive style and form of expression, occupy a special place in the physical geography of a newspaper, represent the collective institutional voice of a newspaper rather than that of an individual, have no bylines in the majority of countries, and are written with differing aims and motivations to news reports. The historical development of journalism explains the status of editorials as a distinctive form of journalism. Professional ideals and practices evolved to demand objectivity in news reporting and the separation of fact from opinion. Historically, editorial and advocacy journalism share an ethos for journalism that endeavors to effect social or political change, yet editorial journalism is distinctive from other advocacy journalism practices in significant ways. Editorials are also an integral part of the campaign journalism practiced by some newspapers. Second, research and approaches in the field of political communication have attributed a particularly powerful role to editorial journalism. Rooted in the effects tradition, researchers have attributed an important role to editorials in informing and shaping debate in the public sphere in four ways: (1) as an influence on readers, voters, and/or public opinion; (2) as an influence on the internal news agendas and coverage of newspapers; (3) as an influence on the agendas and coverage in other news media; and (4) as an influence on political or policy agendas. Theorizing newspapers as active and independent political actors in the political process further underpins the need to research editorial journalism. Third, editorial journalism has been overlooked by sociological studies of journalism practices. Research provides a limited understanding of the routines and practices of editorial journalists and the organization of editorial opinion at newspapers. Although rare, studies focusing on editorial journalism show that editorial opinion does not simply reflect the influence of proprietors, as has often been assumed. Rather, editorial opinions are shaped by a complex range of factors. Finally, existing research trajectories and current developments point to new challenges and opportunities for editorial journalism. These challenges relate to how professional norms respond to age-old questions about objectivity, bias, and partisanship in the digital age.


2019 ◽  
pp. 34-55
Author(s):  
Natasha Behl

Chapter 3 focuses attention on women’s unequal experience of the Indian state through an examination of the debates surrounding the 2012 gang rape. Chapter 3 examines both the progressive political opening and the retrenchment of patriarchal norms following Jyoti Singh’s murder, and argues that this opening and retrenchment are emblematic of the Indian state’s radical promise of equality and its horrific failure to achieve this equality. An analysis of politicians’ responses demonstrates how gendered norms operate to exclude women in the name of inclusion. This analysis highlights the difficulty of eradicating gendered violence through legal reform, demonstrates the unpredictability of the political process, and shows how gendered norms operate in the public sphere to undermine and frustrate progressive change. The chapter outlines the difficulty of turning to the law as a liberatory strategy in a liberal democracy and shifts attention to other spheres of life as potential sources for more egalitarian social relations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 138-160
Author(s):  
Cristina Lafont

This chapter explores how we might institutionalize deliberative minipublics in order to serve genuinely democratic goals. In contrast to empowered uses of minipublics that would bypass the citizenry’s political deliberation, citizens could use minipublics for contestatory, vigilant, and anticipatory purposes. These uses of minipublics would improve the quality of deliberation in the public sphere and would also force the political system to take the high road of properly involving the citizenry in the political process. The chapter illustrates these potential forms of “deliberative activism” with the help of examples of actual deliberative polls that James Fishkin has conducted over several decades. This analysis shows how deliberative minipublics can help improve the democratic quality of political deliberation in the public sphere while strengthening citizens’ democratic control over political decisions.


2010 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Adelman

Abstract This essay explores the varieties of expressions of political violence during the revolutionary conjuncture, 1789 to 1821, across Spanish America from New Spain to Buenos Aires. It challenges some of the familiar ways in which historians have pointed to violence as an inevitable effect of the end of empire, and instead argues that violence became a means to engage in the political process that brought down empire. At the same time, it argues that the role of violence in bringing down the old regime and creating new institutions and habits of rule and protest was at least as important as the role of the public sphere and elections, which historians have recently accented. Indeed, the essay suggests ways in which historians of the public sphere might consider the rituals and languages of violence as part of public conduct, while it was the opening of the public sphere that created a means, or space, to push vindictive patterns of violence into more vindictive directions. Violence was not of a piece, a constant display of carnage. The essay accordingly seeks to illustrate the varieties of uses of political violence and its changes over time, from the first crises of the 1790s to the widespread savagery of the 1810s.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silke Migala ◽  
Uwe Flick

Qualitative inquiry in the public sphere is discussed with a study concerning intercultural palliative care. For the case of Russian-speaking immigrants in Germany, language problems in care are analyzed as an issue of organizational ethics. Interviews with this target group originally addressing barriers of access to professional care are reanalyzed for the roles of language, limited language skills, and the lack of professional translation in care. The focus is on ethical implications for organizing services and the health care system planned for organizational justice for all groups in a diversifying society. Findings are discussed with Burawoy’s concept of a public sociology.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 73-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Datts

Several scholars have attributed high hopes to social media regarding their alleged ability to enable a nonhierarchical and freely accessible debate among the citizenship (Loader & Mercea, 2011; Shirky, 2011). Those hopes have culminated in theses such those describing the social web as being a ‘new public sphere’ (Castells, 2009, p. 125) as well as in expectations regarding its revitalizing potential for the ‘Habermas’s public sphere’ (Kruse, Norris, & Flinchum, 2018, p. 62). Yet, these assumptions are not uncontested, particularly in the light of socially mediated populism (Mazzoleni & Bracciale, 2018). Interestingly, research on populism in the social web is still an exception. The same is true for the populist permeation of the social media discourse on migration, as a highly topical issue. This study seeks to elaborate on this research gap by examining to what extent the Twitter debate on the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration (GCM) was permeated by populist content. For this purpose, almost 70,000 tweets on the most important Hashtags referring to the GCM that took place in Marrakesh in December 2018 were collected and the 500 widest-reaching tweets analysed in terms of their populist permeation. Against initial expectations, the empirical findings show that populist narratives did not dominate the Twitter debate on migration. However, the empirical results indicate that ordinary citizens play an important role in the creation and dissemination of populist content. It seems that the social web widens the public sphere, including those actors who do not communicate in accordance with the Habermasian conceptualization of it.


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