scholarly journals Scalar Diversity, Negative Strengthening, and Adjectival Semantics

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Gotzner ◽  
Stephanie Solt ◽  
Anton Benz
2018 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 409
Author(s):  
Nicole Gotzner ◽  
Stephanie Solt ◽  
Anton Benz

In this work, we explore the relationship between three different inferencestriggered by gradable adjectives. In particular, we look at scalar implicature andtwo competing inferences occuring under negation - scale reversal (indirect scalarimplicature) and a type of manner implicature called negative strengthening. In aseries of experiments, we test a variety of adjectival scales and explore correlationsbetween different inferences. Our results show that some scales are more likelyto generate scalar implicature while others lean more towards generating negativestrengthening. The extent to which scalar implicature and scale reversal correlate forthe same scales, in turn, is lower than expected. We discuss our findings with respectto the mechanisms underlying the three types of inferences and factors accountingfor differences across scales, with a focus on semantic distance, boundedness, thetype of standard of comparison and adjectival extremeness.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 191-203
Author(s):  
Anton Benz ◽  
Carla Bombi ◽  
Nicole Gotzner

In recent years, experimental research has demontrated great variability in the ratesof scalar inferences across different triggering expressions (Doran et al. 2009, 2012, van Tielet al. 2016). These studies have been taken as evidence against the so-called uniformity assumption,which posits that scalar implicature is triggered by a single mechanism and that thebehaviour of one scale should generalize to the whole family of scales. In the following, wepresent an experimental study that tests negative strengthening for a variety of strong scalarterms, following up on van Tiel et al. (2016). For example, we tested whether the statementJohn is not brilliant is strengthened to mean that John is not intelligent (see especially Horn1989). We show that endorsement rates of the scalar implicature (e.g., John is intelligent butnot brilliant) are anti-correlated with endorsements of negative strengthening. Further, wedemonstrate that a modified version of the uniformity hypothesis taking into account negativestrengthening is consistent with van Tiel et al.’s data. Therefore, variation across scales may bemore systematic than suggested by the van Tiel et al. study.Keywords: Scalar diversity, scalar implicature, manner implicature, negative strengthening,inferencing task.


Author(s):  
Laurence Horn

Since Paul and Zipf, it has become evident that lexical choice and meaning change are largely guided by pragmatic principles. Two central interacting principles are, first, the least-effort tendency to reduce expression and, second, the communicative requirements on sufficiency of information. Descendants of this opposition include Grice’s bipartite Maxim of Quantity (‘Make your contribution as informative as/no more informative than is required’) grounded within a general theory of rationality and cooperation, the Q and R Principles (essentially ‘Say enough’/‘Don’t say too much’), and the interplay of effort and effect within Relevance Theory. This chapter motivates a (Q-based) constraint on lexicalization, surveys the role of the R principle in motivating the Division of Pragmatic Labour, syntagmatic reduction, narrowing of meaning, euphemism, and negative strengthening, and provides pragmatic motivation for the lexical clone, un-noun, and un-verb constructions, and for the complementary Avoid Synonymy and Avoid Homonymy principles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Gotzner ◽  
Diana Mazzarella

Negated gradable adjectives often convey an interpretation that is stronger than their literal meaning, which is referred to as ‘negative strengthening.’ For example, a sentence like ‘John is not kind’ may give rise to the inference that John is rather mean. Crucially, negation is more likely to be pragmatically strengthened in the case of positive adjectives (‘not kind’ to mean rather mean) than negative adjectives (‘not mean’ to mean rather kind). A classical explanation of this polarity asymmetry is based on politeness, specifically on the potential face threat of bare negative adjectives (Horn, 1989; Brown and Levinson, 1987). This paper presents the results of two experiments investigating the role of face management in negative strengthening. We show that negative strengthening of positive and negative adjectives interacts differently with the social variables of power, social distance, and gender.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Gotzner ◽  
Diana Mazzarella

Negated gradable adjectives often convey an interpretation that is stronger than their literal meaning, which is referred to as ‘negative strengthening’. For example, a sentence like ‘John is not kind’ may give rise to the inference that John is rather mean. Crucially, negation is more likely to be pragmatically strengthened in the case of positive adjectives (‘not kind’ to mean rather mean) than negative adjectives (‘not mean’ to mean rather kind). A classical explanation of this polarity asymmetry is based on politeness, specifically on the potential face threat of bare negative adjectives (Horn, 1989, Brown & Levinson, 1987). This paper presents the results of two experiments investigating the role of face management in negative strengthening. We show that negative strengthening of positive and negative adjectives interacts differently with the social variables of power, social distance, and gender.


10.37236/7320 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Margit Voigt ◽  
Arnfried Kemnitz

The Four Color Theorem states that every planar graph is properly 4-colorable. Moreover, it is well known that there are planar graphs that are non-$4$-list colorable. In this paper we investigate a problem combining proper colorings and list colorings. We ask whether the vertex set of every planar graph can be partitioned into two subsets where one subset induces a bipartite graph and the other subset induces a $2$-list colorable graph. We answer this question in the negative strengthening the result on non-$4$-list colorable planar graphs.


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