A Study on “Shi + O” in Non Predicate Position

2020 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 25-48
Author(s):  
Tiegen Li
Keyword(s):  
Predicate Position

Bare Nouns in Predicate Position in French

2011 ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Beyssade
Keyword(s):  
Bare Nouns ◽  
Predicate Position

Postposition-like constructions

2020 ◽  
pp. 677-685
Author(s):  
Gerjan van Schaaik
Keyword(s):  
Mental Content ◽  
Mental States ◽  
Case Marker ◽  
Third Person ◽  
Instrumental Case ◽  
Linguistic Structures ◽  
Predicate Position

There are a relatively small number of linguistic structures that seemingly consists of a noun expanded by a possessive suffix third-person singular and a locative, ablative, or instrumental case marker. They are used as adverbial phrases. The possessive element, however, has no antecedent, and that is why these constructions bear the semblance of postpositions more than that of real nouns. In particular, temporal constructions based on a noun denoting some moment, period, or duration behave like real postpositions in that they allow for indefinite and finite complements. Various postposition-like structures can also be used in predicate position and thus take a person marker. These constructions are typical for the description of mental states and mental content and of instances of intention, decision, and obligation.

scholarly journals Module 15 - Attributive and Predicate Position

2021 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Philip S. Peek
Keyword(s):  
Predicate Position

scholarly journals Number agreement in Russian predicates

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyun-Jong Hahm
Keyword(s):  
Short Form ◽  
Number Agreement ◽  
Long Form ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Predicate Position

Russian shows the mixed agreement with the polite pronoun vy and pluralia tantum nouns, both of which have plural number in form but either singular or plural number in meaning. Two different forms of adjectives – short form and long form – agree in different number with those number mismatch nominals. I adopted the idea of Siegel (1976) etc. that when a long-form adjective appears in the predicate position, there is always a null head that it modifies, with the HPSG's agreement theory of Wechsler & Zlatic (2003). I propose that all predicates – verbs, SF and LF adjectives – except predicate nominals show CONCORD agreement. LF adjectives show CONC agreement with the null anaphor 'one'. The different number values of LF adjectives results from index agreement between the null anaphor and the subject of the sentence.

Clefting and nominal predication: Two focus-marking constructions in Movima

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-138
Author(s):  
Katharina Haude
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Focus Marking ◽  
Predicate Position

Abstract Movima (isolate, Bolivia) has two focus constructions that superficially look very similar. One is a simple clause with a noun in predicate position and a verb placed inside the argument phrase. Its pragmatically marked status stems from the inversion of the prototypical association of lexical and pragmatic categories. In the other construction, the predicative noun is additionally preceded by a free pronoun. This construction is a cleft, the pronoun and noun together constituting an equational matrix clause. The two constructions also differ in function: the simple clause with a nominal predicate is a simple predication, while the cleft is a specificational sentence.

scholarly journals THE SYNTAX OF NOVEL FIGURATIVE NAMES IN RUSSIAN AND ENGLISH: TYPOLOGICAL ASPECT

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Maria I Kiose
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
Morphological Character ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Contrastive Analysis ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Parameter Correlation ◽  
Syntactic Features ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Predicate Position

The study reveals the syntactic features of novel figurative names and nominal constructions in texts in application to typologically different Russian and English languages. The data obtained helped to clarify the role of predication in salience enhancement, which encompasses novel figurative names construal. We conducted the two-staged contrastive analysis, which allowed to detect several specific parameters and synchronization means demonstrating the typological diversity of the two languages. As it is the salience that serves as one of the basic factors of successful reference identification in terms of implicitness and figurativeness, the research results will play a role in explaining why indirect names are interpreted differently. At the first stage we applied the statistical analysis to detect typologically relevant characteristics of syntactic positioning in terms of novel figurative names and nominal constructions. At the second stage we developed the procedure of 54 and 56 parameter correlation analysis to synchronize the lexical, syntactic and narrative parameters with figurative names in subject and predicate positions. These correlations revealed a group of parameters activated in the English language and restricted in Russian. The subject salience parameters involve the use of substantiated attribute in pre-position, sentence final position with predicate in pre-position. The predicate salience parameters were hybrid morphological character of predicate indirect names, explicit exteroception in pre-position or in the name itself, characterizing focus of indirect names (metaphoric transfer). At the same type due to syntactically salient predicate position such indirect names could allow non-agentive event role and orthographic non-markedness.

THE PROGRESSIVE IN ARCHAIC BIBLICAL HEBREW AND THE ORIGIN OF THE HEBREW PARTICIPIAL PREDICATE

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-234
Author(s):  
Ulf Bergström
Keyword(s):  
Normal Form ◽  
Biblical Hebrew ◽  
Semantic Change ◽  
Diachronic Study ◽  
Predicate Position

The article is a diachronic study of the Biblical Hebrew imperfect and active participle in predicate position in Archaic (ABH) and Standard Biblical Hebrew (SBH). On the premise that the two forms developed along a progressive-imperfective diachronic path, the article looks for evidence of semantic change occurring between ABH and SBH. It is claimed that there is no evidence that the imperfect is the normal form for progressive meaning in ABH. Further, it is found that established models of diachronic pathways cannot explain all the uses of the participle, and that participial predicates probably stem from different source constructions. Whereas the progressive use has developed from attributive participles, some hymnic and proverbial uses may be based on substantivised forms. The substantivised constructions do not belong to the progressive-imperfective path, and can be old. The hymnic participial predicates in the Song of Hannah belong to this group.

Romance in Contact With Basque

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerd Jendraschek
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Language Shift ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
Southern France ◽  
History Of ◽  
Constituent Order ◽  
Castilian Spanish ◽  
Predicate Position

The convergence between Basque and Romance is now largely unidirectional, with Basque becoming more like Romance, but shared features suggest that Basque had historically a considerable influence on the emerging Romance varieties in southern France and northern Iberia. Similar phonemic distinctions and phonetic realizations are found in adjacent Basque and Romance varieties, and sometimes beyond. The phoneme inventories of Basque and Castilian Spanish are largely identical. The Romance influence on Basque is most visible in the lexicon, as over half of the words used in everyday speech are of Latin or Romance origin. While the Basque contribution to the Romance lexicon of common nouns has been much more modest, some Basque anthroponyms have become very popular beyond the Basque Country. The integration of Latin verbs into the Basque lexicon triggered and then accelerated the switch to a tense-aspect system modeled on that of Romance. Like Spanish, the Basque varieties in Spain distinguish between two ‘be’-copulas, and two ‘have’-verbs. Certain types of relative clauses and passive constructions replicate Romance models, and a Basque mediopassive can be systematically translated into a Spanish clause with the pronoun se. The default constituent order of Basque is verb-final, but dependent clauses are often found in post-predicate position, matching the order found in Romance. While sharing many features with Romance varieties across southwestern Europe, Basque is closest to Castilian and Gascon, the two languages with which it has a long history of bilingualism and localized language shift.

scholarly journals An analysis of The thing is that S sentences

Pragmatics ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald P. Delahunty
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Markers ◽  
Linguistic Features ◽  
Pragmatic Markers ◽  
Current Topic ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Specificational Sentences ◽  
Discourse Topic ◽  
Predicate Position

I refer to the sentences that are the subject of this paper as Thing sentences (TSs), illustrated by The thing is that it’s not my phone. These are copular specificational sentences with a definite singular subject and a finite complement clause. Prior research claimed that TSs focus attention on their complement clauses, are pragmatic or discourse markers, indicate a shift in subtopic or topic, communicate that the proposition represented by the complement clause is in “disconformity” with, or problematic in, its context, and that it represents a cause, reason, justification, or grounds for other propositions; these interpretations are claimed to be conventionally associated with the construction. I show that these earlier works are descriptively inaccurate and explanatorily incomplete. While the cause, reason, justification, and grounds interpretations have not been explained, some authors have claimed that the problem interpretation is due to the semantic poverty of thing. I demonstrate that the construction presents the complement proposition as both focused and presupposed and consequently as partially discontinuous with the discourse topic as it has developed up to the point at which the TS is uttered, thereby effecting a shift in the development of the current topic, though never a shift to an unrelated topic. I argue against analyzing TSs as discourse or pragmatic markers and I demonstrate that TSs need not communicate that their complements are problematic, that the range of other interpretations is greater than hitherto proposed, that these are due to the operation of general interpretive schemata, and therefore are not conventionally associated with the construction. I show that the presuppositional effects are due to the minimal semantic specification of thing and the fact that it is definite, and that the focusing effects are due to the predicate position of the clause and to the specificationality of the construction which makes the clause an argument of the subject and thus a marked focus. This analysis of Thing sentences demonstrates that speakers are attuned to the expectations of their audiences and exploit the lexical and syntactic resources of the language to create expression types to manage such things as topical development, and in the case of Thing sentences to signal an unexpected development of the current topic, leading to a change in its trajectory. The analysis shows that at this point in its history, TS interpretations are due to its linguistic features interacting in context with general pragmatic principles.

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