scholarly journals How to Sue an Asue? Closing the Racial Wealth Gap Through the Transplantation of a Cultural Institution

2020 ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Cyril Heron

Asues, academically known as Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (or ROSCAs for short), are informal cultural institutions that are prominent in developing countries across the globe. Their utilization in those countries provide rural and ostracized communities with a means to save money and invest in the community simultaneously. Adoption of the asue into the United States could serve as the foundation by which to close the racial wealth gap. Notwithstanding the benefits, wholesale adoption of any asue model runs the risk of cultural rejection because the institution is foreign to the African American community. Drawing upon principles of cultural and legal transplantation, successful transplantation of cultural institutions is possible where parameters that provide contextual stability are put in place. Given that the most prominent drawback to ROSCAs is the risk of default and embezzlement, the contextual stabilizer to prevent cultural rejection should be one that secures the ROSCA from said default and nefarious members. Therefore, I propose that trust law can be that context stabilizer because it would provide legal recourse and mitigate the inherent risks involved in asue participation.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Kraus ◽  
Ivuoma Ngozi Onyeador ◽  
Natalie M Daumeyer ◽  
Julian Rucker ◽  
Jennifer Richeson

Racial economic inequality is a foundational feature of the United States, yet many Americans appear oblivious to it. The present work considers the psychology underlying this collective willful ignorance. Drawing on prior research and new evidence from a nationally representative sample of adults (N = 1,008), we offer compelling evidence that Americans vastly underestimate racial economic inequality, especially the racial wealth gap. In particular, respondents thought that the Black-White wealth gap was smaller, by around 40 percentage points in 1963 and around 80 percentage points in 2016, than its actual size. We then consider the motivational, cognitive, and structural factors that are likely to contribute to these misperceptions and suggest directions for future research to test these ideas. Importantly, we highlight the implications of our collective ignorance of racial economic inequality, the challenge of creating greater accuracy in perceptions of these racial economic disparities, as well as outline the steps policymakers might take to create messages on this topic that effectively promote equity-enhancing policies. We close with an appeal to psychological science to at least consider, if not center, the racial patterning of these profound economic gaps.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 899-921 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Kraus ◽  
Ivuoma N. Onyeador ◽  
Natalie M. Daumeyer ◽  
Julian M. Rucker ◽  
Jennifer A. Richeson

Racial economic inequality is a foundational feature of the United States, yet many Americans appear oblivious to it. In the present work we consider the psychology underlying this collective willful ignorance. Drawing on prior research and new evidence from a nationally representative sample of adults ( N = 1,008), we offer compelling evidence that Americans vastly underestimate racial economic inequality, especially the racial wealth gap. In particular, respondents thought that the Black–White wealth gap was smaller, by around 40 percentage points in 1963 and around 80 percentage points in 2016, than its actual size. We then consider the motivational, cognitive, and structural factors that are likely to contribute to these misperceptions and suggest directions for future research to test these ideas. Importantly, we highlight the implications of our collective ignorance of racial economic inequality and the challenge of creating greater accuracy in perceptions of these racial economic disparities, as well as outline the steps policymakers might take to create messages on this topic that effectively promote equity-enhancing policies. We close with an appeal to psychological science to at least consider, if not center, the racial patterning of these profound economic gaps.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 499-508
Author(s):  
Kalpana Khanal ◽  
Sophia Prouty ◽  
Thomas Stedman

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Signe-Mary McKernan ◽  
Caroline Ratcliffe ◽  
Margaret Simms ◽  
Sisi Zhang

Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 99 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darrick Hamilton ◽  
◽  
William A. Darity

Author(s):  
Anthony Seeger

For decades, ethnomusicologists, folklorists, anthropologists, and a variety of cultural institutions such as audiovisual archives and museums have been returning parts of their collections to the communities from which they were originally obtained. Starting with a definition of repatriation, this chapter describes some of the attributes of successful repatriation projects. They usually require a highly motivated individual or group within the community, an intermediary to help locate and obtain the recordings, and a funding agency for the effective return of the music to circulation within the community. Different kinds of repatriation are described using examples from the author’s research in Brazil and projects in Australia, India, and the United States. Projects to return music to local circulation have been greatly facilitated by changes in communications technologies and digital recording, and by profound changes in research ethics and the relations between researchers and documentarians and the communities in which they work. Despite these improvements, challenges remain.


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