scholarly journals Arábia Saudita e Irã: rivalidade e disputa pela hegemonia no Golfo Pérsico

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-84
Author(s):  
Beatriz Pidone Costa

Resumo O sectarismo religioso, considerado como um dos principais motivos que levaram à disputa entre Arábia Saudita e Irã, é utilizado como instrumento político por esses Estados em prol de seus interesses. As relações entre ambos tiveram um início cooperativo, porém, após a Revolução Iraniana de 1979, passaram apenas a se deteriorar. O embate entre os países islâmicos se acirrou, impulsionado pelas intervenções americanas na região; pela Primavera Árabe; e pela crise de legitimidade dos governos islâmicos. Atualmente, sem perspectivas de reatamento, as relações diplomáticas entre os países encontram-se rompidas. Enquanto o Irã vem ganhando espaço e influência, apesar de sérios problemas internos; a Arábia Saudita, mesmo com força regional e novas estratégias para sua política externa e interna, se vê prejudicada e enfraquecida. Palavras-chave: Arábia Saudita; Irã; Golfo Pérsico; rivalidade; hegemonia.   Abstract Religious sectarianism, considered one of the main reasons that led to the dispute between Saudi Arabia and Iran, is used as a political instrument by these states for their interests. The relations between them had a cooperative beginning, but after the Iranian Revolution in 1979, they only deteriorated. The clash between Islamist countries has stirred up, boosted by US interventions in the region; by the Arab Spring; and by the legitimacy crisis of Islamic governments. Currently, with no prospect of reattachment, the diplomatic ties of both countries remain severed. While Iran has been gaining space and influence, despite serious internal problems; Saudi Arabia, even with regional strength and new strategies for its foreign and domestic policy, feels undermined and weakened. Keywords: Saudi Arabia; Iran; Persian Gulf; rivalry; hegemony.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Hani Albasoos ◽  
Buthaina Al Hinai

Following the Arab Spring in 2011, Yemen’s devastating conflicts have deepened even further, leading the country to be the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Despite the international community's multiple attempts to resolve this conflict, the conflict seems to have reached a stalemate. To make matters worse, resolving the conflict is made difficult by the large number of parties involved, internally and externally, and by the complex, dual and fluid nature of the relationships they share. Although the media and international community's focus is directed towards the binary conflict between the Hadi government and Saudi Arabia on one side and Iran and the Houthis on the other, the conflict is greatly multifaceted and far from being binary. This paper critically analyzes and explores other participating actors to comprehend the root causes of the conflict entirely. Although this conflict has been advertised as a proxy war, while others trace back the motivation to sectarianism, this paper argues how this analysis can be misleading and hindering the peace process.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.


Author(s):  
Joanne Randa Nucho

This concluding chapter begins by summarizing the arguments in the preceding chapters. It then attempts to contextualize the present discourse about the Shi'a versus Sunni conflict within the region in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011. It describes a “new sectarianism,” characterized by state actors, particularly in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, who “make decisions on the basis of a sectarian assessment of politics,” whereby Iran is presented as a Shi'a rival. The fact that these same state actors are opposed to Sunni Islamist groups makes it clear that the mobilization of sectarian rhetoric is, at least in some instances, a cynical tactic of scapegoating.


Author(s):  
Louise Fawcett

This chapter describes the changing dynamics of regionalism and alliance-making in the Middle East, processes that are closely related to and reflect states' foreign and domestic policy choices. The Middle East is not a region without regionalism at the societal or interstate level. There have been multiple forces for cooperation, particularly in the Arab world, based upon common identity, interests and beliefs; multiple alliances that intersect the Arab and non-Arab world; and evidence of cooperation in both broader and narrower regional settings like the Gulf. Global as well as regional trends and influences also push the Middle East into new arenas of cooperation. However, outcomes are mixed: an array of factors including regime insecurity, local rivalries, and external influence inhibit attempts at regional cooperation. Events since the Arab Spring have presented opportunities but also further challenges for Arab regional institutions as new divides and regional alignments emerge.


Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

This chapter examines the unrest across the Middle East in the 2010s. The first section focuses on the civil war in Syria and the role of so-called Islamic State., examining the causes of the Syrian uprising and the development of protests against President Assad into civil war. It describes the growth of Jihadism, formation of Ahrar al-Sham, and emergence of ISIS, and the subsequent declaration of a Caliphate. The escalation and destructive impact of the conflict is examined in the context of increasing international intervention and the involvement of foreign powers in both exacerbation of the conflict and efforts to restore peace. The second section describes the growing regional importance of Iran alongside the 2015 nuclear deal and tensions with Saudi Arabia. The chapter concludes with the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt, conflict in Yemen, and the downfall of Gaddafi in Libya.


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