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2022 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Joshua Simon

Abstract This article offers a new interpretation of the Cuban intellectual José Martí's international political thought. It argues that Martí's analysis of early US imperialism and call for Spanish American unity are best understood as an immanent critique of the “unionist paradigm,” a tradition of international political thought that originated in the American independence movements. Martí recognized the impediments that racism had placed in the way of both US and Spanish American efforts to stabilize the hemisphere's republics by uniting them under regional institutions. He argued that, in his own time, Anglo-Saxon supremacism had deprived US-led Pan-Americanism of all legitimacy, causing a crisis of international political order in the Americas. In the context of this crisis, he developed a revised, antiracist unionism that, he argued, would free Spanish America's republics from imperial aggression and interstate conflicts, making the region a global model of stable and inclusive self-rule.


2022 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-26
Author(s):  
Juan Li ◽  
Yi Qu ◽  
Dayu Wang ◽  
Nan Zheng

Differently from the prior studies that look at the determinants of Outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) location choice, based on the institution theory and employing a comprehensive and unique micro-level dataset of Chinese firms, this study is the first to integrate institutional linkages (Confucius Institute) and regional institutions into one framework and looks at the role of the location choices of Chinese OFDI. The results show that Chinese firms prefer to invest in countries with the presence and higher number of Confucius Institutes including Confucius classrooms. Moreover, the institutional linkage of Confucius Institutes can alleviate the possible negative effects caused by the distance between China and the host country, which suggests Confucius Institutes help Chinese firms against liabilities of foreignness and risks and costs of operation in more distant host countries. We also find that the availability and quality of China’s regional institutions have a strong impact on local firms’ willingness and capability of participating.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syafrianda Syafrianda ◽  
Zaili Rusli

This study aims to find out how the capacity of local institutions in administering government and public services after the expansion with a case study in Kulim District, Pekanbaru City, and to find out what factors support institutional capacity in administering government and public services after the division of the sub-district area. This research use desciptive qualitative approach. Primary data were obtained directly through interviews with informants, namely the administrative staff of the regional secretariat of the Mayor of Pekanbaru, the Head of Kulim District, the Village Head of Mentangor, sub-district service staff, and community service recipients in the sub-district. The results of this study indicate that the capacity of regional institutions in administering government and public services after the division in Kulim District is sufficient. This is marked by the implementation of various activities in the sub-district in carrying out government administration, public services, and also empowering the community in Kulim District. The factors that support the institutional capacity of the sub-district after the division include organizational structure, work team, number of human resources, commitment and competence, work experience and seniority, and completeness of supporting infrastructure.AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana kapasitas kelembagaan daerah dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan dan pelayanan publik pasca pemekaran dengan studi kasusnya di Kecamatan Kulim Kota Pekanbaru, serta untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor apa saja yang mendukung kapasitas kelembagaan dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan dan pelayanan publik pasca pemekaran wilayah kecamatan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif. Data primer diperoleh langsung melalui wawancara dari informan, yaitu Staf bidang pemerintahan sekretariat daerah walikota pekanbaru, Camat Kulim, Lurah Mentangor, staff pelayanan kecamatan, dan masyarakat penerima layanan di kecamatan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kapasitas kelembagaan daerah dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan dan pelayanan publik pasca pemekaran di Kecamatan Kulim sudah cukup memadai. Ini ditandai dengan sudah berjalannya berbagai aktifitas kegiatan di kecamatan dalam melaksanakan penyelenggaraan pemerintahan, pelayanan publik, dan juga pemberdayaan kepada masrayakat di Kecamatan Kulim. Adapun faktor-faktor yang mendukung kapasitas kelembagaan kecamatan pasca pemekaran antara lain, struktur organisasi, tim kerja, jumlah SDM yang dimiliki, komitmen dan kompetensi, pengalaman kerja dan senioritas camat, dan kelengkapan sarana prasarana pendukung.     Kata Kunci:  Kapasitas Organisasi, Desentralisasi, Pelayanan Publik


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-131
Author(s):  
A. Zoltán Biró ◽  
Ágnes Sárosi-Blága

Abstract Relying on an interview-based research conducted in Romania’s Szeklerland area, in settlements with a significant Roma population where the majority of the inhabitants are of Hungarian ethnicity, the present study investigates the non-Roma rural élites’ attitude towards the local Roma population. The regional relevance of the topic is indicated by the fact that the importance of the Roma population’s social integration is present in social publicity, while at the same time the three decades following the 1989 socio-political turn in Romania witnessed only a few attempts at the planning and launching of programmes aimed at the Roma population’s social integration. In the course of the past three decades, the regional institutions and élites have repeatedly shuffled off the professional thematization and practical addressing of this issue, whereas in principle they emphasized the importance of social integration. This study aims to explore some of the components making up the background of the above-outlined ambivalent attitude. With the script analysis method, we intend to look into what scripts rural elite actors adopt in building the narratives on the Hungarian–Roma attitude and what role this narrative creation has in the case of the élite belonging to the Hungarian ethnic majority.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Shaker Ahmed Alshareef

National parliaments have become significantly active in international arena particularly in advancing democracy and national interests within a globalized context. This report assesses the role that inter-parliamentary organizations play in regional and global political scenes under the umbrella of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU). The article views these regional institutions in the context of their relations to the IPU through content analysis of available literature. Three of the regional bodies of interest in the report are the Arab Parliament, Central American Parliament (PARLACEN), and the European Union Parliament. The findings drawn from available literature shows that these organizations have become the new frontier for political movements as they take center stage in global affairs. The objectives of these regional bodies are largely aligned with those of the IPU, and it is not surprising that they frequently collaborate or agree on several issues. The article concludes that the Inter-parliamentary diplomacy and the pursuit of democracy through collective efforts of regional parliamentary bodies have made it possible for IPU to have a higher political currency in different jurisdictions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101-133
Author(s):  
Rush Doshi

Chapter 5 considers the political and multilateral components of China’s grand strategy to blunt American power in Asia. It demonstrates that the “traumatic trifecta” at the end of the Cold War led China to reverse its previous opposition to joining regional institutions. Beijing feared Asian regional forums might be used by Washington to build liberal regional order or even an Asian NATO, so China joined them to blunt American power. It stalled institutionalization in regional organizations that included the United States; wielded institutional rules to constrain US freedom of maneuver; and hoped its own participation would reassure wary neighbors otherwise tempted to join a US-led balancing coalition. China also worked with Russia to erect regional institutions in Central Asia to guard against US influence within the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörgen Johansson ◽  
Malin Rönnblom ◽  
Andreas Öjehag-Pettersson

The aim of this article is to examine trends of democratic backsliding associated with the long standing reform work on regional institutions and policies in Sweden. To this end, democratic backsliding is conceptualized in a different manner compared to conventional understandings. By doing so, the article highlights a missing aspect in the research on democratic backsliding that concerns how well-intended reforms designed to strengthen democratic institutions can also harbor non-democratic consequences. In Sweden, a new political arena was created when the former county councils were transformed into so-called called regions in 2019. As part of this, the regions have been assigned responsibility for both health care and regional development planning. The overall research problem to be analyzed in this article focuses on the relations between the policy objectives for democracy and regionalist ideas of economic growth that both were central concerns in the reform processes. The results highlight how the governing rationalities in the regional reform processes have changed during the period between 1990 and 2020. The original conception of creating a mini-version of a liberal and representative democracy have turned into a form of democratic backsliding privileging economic goals. The economic rationalities that permeate the political sphere today close the space for articulated different interests and opinions-a dimension that we argue is crucial for any democratic society. We draw two main conclusions: First that the neoliberal aspect of governing is missing in the analysis of democracy at the regional level, resulting in a descriptive discussion of democracy that tend to ignore the effects of the particularly strong emphasis on economic growth. Secondly, that there is a lack of a discussion on democracy that takes the regional level into account, i.e., that the sub-national level should be regarded and thus discussed as a distinctive level of democracy.


Author(s):  
T. N. Topoleva

Shaping innovation economy in Russia stipulates passing-over from traditional partial models to system-integrated models of development accompanied by building institutional vector of succession of federal and regional institutions. A special role in processes of interaction between state, business and science is entrusted to institutions of development, which are to foster knowledge generation and successful practices of innovatization. The article studies specific features of scientific and innovation activity support funds, which help realize measures aimed at stimulating and raising efficiency of the scientific and innovation sector on the regional level. State support of institutions of development and science was analyzed and experience of such funds in the Krasnoyarsk area, Tatarstan, Perm area, Smolensk region was investigated as they demonstrate positive dynamics and adequacy in principle lines of functioning. Problems and drawbacks of these funds' work were systematized by 4 large groups: institutional and legal, finance and economic, organizational and managerial and social ones. On the basis of this analysis measures aimed at improving the organizational efficiency of funds and upgrading the regional innovation environment were identified. A conclusion was drawn about the necessity to intensify state and non-state support of fundamental and applied research, to stimulate setting-up of collaborative partnerships in order to raise scientific, technological and innovation competences in regions in view of solving strategic tasks of development.


Author(s):  
Natalya V. Radishauskayte

The Russian pre-revolutionary book features many various provenance marks including marks of ownership. Such marks indicate that a particular item belongs to a particular owner. They can have forms of supralibros (or super ex-libris), ex-libris (or bookplates), book stamps, signatures and inscriptions. There are also “non-specific” ownership stamps and labels, which do not have indications of their book nature (such as phrases “from the books/library of...”, “ex-libris…”) and can be used on any objects. Usually these are word rubber stamps (rarely — labels) with a text consisting of a book owner’s name and occasionally some additional information (such as an owner’s address, title, etc.). In Russia, bibliophiles and bibliologists have been studying bookplates for about two centuries. However, there are still many blank spots in the history of the Russian bookplate. Regional book ownership marks are mostly unexplored. This article presents an attempt to describe and analyse book ownership marks of the Russian Far Eastern book owners. Studying of library holdings of 13 regional institutions and conducting bibliographic research allowed revealing 58 local marks of ownership (excluding signatures and inscriptions) that belonged to 23 local book collectors of the pre-revolutionary period. The study showed that they used all types of marks from supralibros to inscriptions, but mostly preferred the “non-specific” book stamps and super ex-libris. There was also established that the bookplate labels were particularly rare — the author discovered the only specimen in the Far Eastern State Research Library. The predominance of book stamps as marks of ownership can be explained by their multipurposeness, cheapness and easiness of manufacturing. Far Eastern book owners frequently used two or three different types of marks together on one book, for example, book stamp and supralibros, inscription and book stamp or supralibros and inscription, etc. Often one collector used several different stamps or supralibros: almost 40% of book collectors had two or three marks of ownership. At the same time, 11 of 23 book owners additionally marked their books with the inscriptions.


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