proxy war
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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Idongesit Oyosoro

Defined as the “worst humanitarian disaster since the end of the cold war,” the Syrian civil war has to date claimed heavy casualties, including over 8,000 documented killings of children under eighteen years of age. In a country of approximately 22 million people, the bloody and prolonged conflict has resulted in 7.6 million internally displaced persons and an additional 3.2 million refugees, as well as approximately 12.2 million people (more than 1 in 2 Syrians) in need of humanitarian aid to survive. This essay is an analysis of the Syrian conflict. Its aim is to depict and underline the various aspects of the conflict in Syria. The internal and external actors alongside the geopolitical intrigues and interests involved in this conflict shall be scrutinized. This essay thrives to rectify subsequent analytical mistakes of scholars who limit the conflict in Syria to one about a confrontation between Russia and the USA, or try to predict the conflict through that lens alone, simply because the most demonstrated rivalry about Syria as a geostrategic epiphenomena relies on the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Above and beyond the internal power struggle, the conflict has acquired the character of a proxy war in which international, regional and sub-national conflicts are fought out. The actors here treat the conflict as a zero-sum game, where success for one is automatically a defeat for the other. One bone of contention is the interpretation and enforcement of international norms, with the United States and other Western states backing the Syrian opposition while Russia, Iran and China support the Assad regime with trade and protection in the UN Security Council and, in the case of Russia, arms deliveries.Defined as the “worst humanitarian disaster since the end of the cold war,” the Syrian civil war has to date claimed heavy casualties, including over 8,000 documented killings of children under eighteen years of age. In a country of approximately 22 million people, the bloody and prolonged conflict has resulted in 7.6 million internally displaced persons and an additional 3.2 million refugees, as well as approximately 12.2 million people (more than 1 in 2 Syrians) in need of humanitarian aid to survive. This essay is an analysis of the Syrian conflict. Its aim is to depict and underline the various aspects of the conflict in Syria. The internal and external actors alongside the geopolitical intrigues and interests involved in this conflict shall be scrutinized. This essay thrives to rectify subsequent analytical mistakes of scholars who limit the conflict in Syria to one about a confrontation between Russia and the USA, or try to predict the conflict through that lens alone, simply because the most demonstrated rivalry about Syria as a geostrategic epiphenomena relies on the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Above and beyond the internal power struggle, the conflict has acquired the character of a proxy war in which international, regional and sub-national conflicts are fought out. The actors here treat the conflict as a zero-sum game, where success for one is automatically a defeat for the other. One bone of contention is the interpretation and enforcement of international norms, with the United States and other Western states backing the Syrian opposition while Russia, Iran and China support the Assad regime with trade and protection in the UN Security Council and, in the case of Russia, arms deliveries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Stefano Marcuzzi
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inayat Ali ◽  
Salma Sadique ◽  
Shahbaz Ali

This study aimed to describe the dealings of 20 biomedical doctors with coronavirus disease-19 (COVID-19) in the Sindh province of Pakistan. Focusing on physicians from three different hospitals, we describe their challenges, emotions, and views concerning the pandemic. Many regarded the virus from a biomedical standpoint. Yet some also perceived it as a “tool of a proxy war” and a “plot,” without giving agency to anyone for that “plot.” Furthermore, these care providers faced a great fear of infection and an even greater fear of transmitting the virus to their families and friends. A few also feared stigmatization as viral carriers. Whether they experienced fear or not, all of our physician interlocutors emphasized their sense of responsibility to “serve humanity,” yet some also expressed a strong belief in the inevitability of the will of Allah. Some were satisfied with the role of the government in containing the virus, while others expressed concerns and felt that the government should be doing much more. All expressed confidence in the use of personal protective equipment (PPE), viewing it as an effective buffer against viral contagion. We conclude with a call for further research especially ethnographic studies on dealings of physicians with COVID-19 across Pakistan as frontline care providers.


Author(s):  
Abbas Farasoo

Abstract This paper explores the question of what drives proxy alignment in war and argues that current proxy war scholarship needs further thinking to go beyond focusing on the principal–agent theory and individual actors’ motivation analysis. Rather, there is a need to look at the generative mechanisms of proxy alignment as a process that constitutes patterns of friend–enemy relations. The paper argues securitization patterns from domestic to regional and international levels drive actors to re-evaluate their positions and define their enemies and friends. This is a process of securitization alignment and confluence, which serves as a generative mechanism for proxy alignment in a conflict. Securitization alignment is based on a convergence of securitizations by different actors that create a friend–enemy dynamic and convergence of security interests between actors. The confluence of securitizations from the domestic level to regional and beyond also connects actors across different levels to be in alignment and impact the conflict.


Author(s):  
Deniz Kaptan

Yemen has been a warzone for at least seven years now. The conflict is seemingly a civil war between the government and opposition forces. It also serves as a proxy war that determines the balance of power between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the region. The government in Yemen is aided by the Saudi-led Gulf Cooperation Countries (GCC), where Saudi Arabia (as well as other GCC members) purchases military technologies from the United States, Britain, France, and Germany. On the other hand, the opposition groups – the most prominent one being the Houthis – use Iranian technology in their fight. Considering the sophistication of military technology of the US and other Western countries vis-à-vis Iran, the duration of the war in Yemen stands out as a puzzle which this article attempts to explain using state-level analysis. After reviewing the situation since 2014, this article examines two existing arguments regarding the balance of power between Iran and Saudi-backed warring parties, namely, the hearts and minds argument and the military inadequacy arguments. Demonstrating the limitations of these, this article suggests that the Western powers contribute to the perpetuation of the war as they accrue a stream of revenue from arms production.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-44
Author(s):  
Mirela Atanasiu

The paper argues that proxy war is an increasingly often used tool in the Middle East, in the already conflicted territories where international involvement is not only enabled, but also attracted and encouraged by the international law for the purpose of region’s securitization. Thus, the paper’s aim is to increase awareness on the fact that the Middle Eastern countries passing through civil war periods and accepting external actors to deal with their crises do not only become fertile territories for proxy wars, but the intervening actors start pursuing their own interests beyond the host country’s interest in resolving the conflict.


Author(s):  
ARMEN ISRAYELYAN

The article deals with Israel’s factor which influences Iran-Azerbaijan relations. The article highlights the following issues when assessing the impact of the Israeli factor on Iran-Azerbaijan relations: • Represent Israel’s foreign policy priorities on Azerbaijan, • Assess the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran on Azerbaijan-Israel cooperation and analyze Iran's policy within this context, • Analyze Azerbaijan's motives for strengthening cooperation with Israel. The nuclear program, Iran's missile systems, the Shia factor, the Iranian-speaking peoples of Azerbaijan (Tats, Talish), the activities of Azerbaijani Shia opposition figures, the 760-kilometer border between Azerbaijan and Iran – these are the main factors underlying Israel's policy towards Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan first of all justified the establishment of relations with Israel with the expectation of receiving military-political assistance from Israel in the settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. During the presidency of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013), when one of the scenarios for suspending Iran's nuclear program was considered a military attack, the territory of Azerbaijan was considered a platform for attacking Iran. While Baku has made every effort to exclude the Iranian factor in Azerbaijan-Israel military cooperation, the Iranian military-political management has always been skeptical of Baku's assurances, claiming that Israeli drones could easily be used for reconnaissance against Iran. • During Hassan Rouhani's presidency, as compared with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency, positive developments took place in the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran, and bilateral economic cooperation strengthened. In order to weaken Israel's influence in Azerbaijan, Iran replaced its policy of harsh response to Azerbaijan with economic cooperation. Iran was more concerned about the growing influence of Israel in various spheres in Azerbaijan than the use of a possible Israeli threat against Iran from the territory of Azerbaijan, which has always been raised in the past. • Azerbaijan tried to bring counterargument against Israel-Azerbaijan relations with Armenia-Iran relations. • In order to weaken Iran's religious influence, Azerbaijan, on the one hand, repressed the country's Shiite opposition figures, and on the other hand, Baku managed to obtain military-political support from Israel by exploiting the Iranian-Shiite "threat". • According to Iranian experts, the strategic relations between Azerbaijan and Israel have been established in the South Caucasus, in particular due to Iran's wrong policy towards Azerbaijan. • Currently, if in the Middle East, Iran more or less manages to control the threats appearing from the proxy war with Israel, than on its immediate border Iran is trying to avoid a direct confrontation with Israel. During the Second Artsakh War, the transfer of Israeli UVC of the territory of Iran, and in this regard, Iran's cautious statements are evidence of that.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-48
Author(s):  
Hino Samuel Jose ◽  
Laode Muhamad Fathun

The heated bilateral relation between Iran and the United States has brought the middle east into another level of problem. The divided geopolitical and regional interest of both countries has led to several and many multidimensional issues, ranging from political, security, and even to economic ones. This article discussed the Iran – US tension on their proxy conflict in the Middle East. This article employs the Regional Security Complex Theory to construct the events related to both states’ proxy conflicts. The polarized region for sure has drawn another line that seems to be more complexed for both countries to achieve mutual understanding and continued peacebuilding. The US withdrawal from JCPOA, killing of Soleimani, and Saudi Arabia – Iran Yemen proxy war exacerbated the status quo. This article perceived that the intertwined issues show how the traditional thought of security should be redefined as both countries try to gain bargaining power. Especially with Iran that was hindered very much by sanctions and embargo placed by the US. This article discusses many important issues on Iran, US, and Saudi Arabia involvement and their correlated dynamics within the UN. This article analyzed Trump’s leadership style in the Middle East and its implication from the proxy war to the Middle East security architecture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-139
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zainal Mustofa ◽  
Nurus Syarifah

ABSTRACT This article describes the conflict between the United States and Iran in the form of a proxy war taking place in Syria and Yemen. The conflict culminated in the attack from US against Iran on January 3, 2020 in Iraq. The proxy war that took place between US and Iran, the plan of the US when cornered by Iran, and Iran’s response to the actions of the US will be explain in this paper. This study uses Offense-Defense theory as a means of analyzing the two countries. The method used in this research is descriptive analytical. The research concludes that the US and Iran are involved in proxy wars in Syria and Yemen. In Syria, the US stands as a supporter of government groups. Meanwhile, Iran stands as a group supporting the government. In Yemen, the US stands as a supporter of the government. Meanwhile, Iran stands as a supporter of supporters. The series of proxy wars led to an escalation due to the conflict suffered by the US. The White House then killed Mayor General Qassem Soleimani, who is an influential general in Iran, for being the actor behind the failure of their plan. Iran then responded with attacks on US military bases in Iraq. The reply is also an important concern for the US to increase security in its region. Keywords: conflict culminated; proxy war; offense-defense; Qassem Soleimani.   ABSTRAK Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang konflik antara Amerika Serikat dan Iran dalam bentuk perang proksi yang terjadi di Suriah dan Yaman. Kulminasi konflik tersebut berupa serangan dari AS terhadap Iran pada tanggal 3 Januari 2020 di Irak. Perang proksi yang terjadi antara AS-Iran, rencana AS ketika tersudutkan oleh Iran, dan respons Iran terhadap tindakan AS akan dipaparkan dalam tulisan ini. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori ofensif-defensif sebagai sarana untuk menganalisis konflik kedua negara. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analitis. Adapun hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa AS dan Iran terlibat perang proksi di Suriah dan Yaman. Di Suriah, AS berdiri sebagai pendukung kelompok oposisi pemerintah. Sedangkan Iran berdiri sebagai kelompok pendukung pemerintah. Di Yaman, AS berdiri sebagai pendukung pemerintah. Sedangkan Iran berdiri sebagai pendukung oposisi. Serangkaian perang proksi tersebut menimbulkan eskalasi konflik akibat kekalahan yang diderita oleh AS. Pihak Gedung Putih kemudian membunuh Mayor Jenderal Qassem Soleimani yang merupakan jenderal berpengaruh di Iran karena dianggap sebagai aktor di balik kegagalan rencana mereka. Iran kemudian merespons dengan serangan ke basis militer AS di Irak. Balasan tersebut sekaligus menjadi atensi penting bagi AS untuk meningkatkan keamanan di wilayahnya. Kata kunci: kulminasi konflik; perang proksi; teori ofensif-defensif; Qassem Soleimani.  


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