Andreas Rutz, Die Beschreibung des Raumes. Territoriale Grenzziehungen im Heiligen Römischen Reich. Form und Struktur. Studien zum sozialen Wandel in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, 47. Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2018, 30 black-and-white maps and drawings in text, 20 color plates. 583 pp.

Mediaevistik ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 316-317
Author(s):  
David Nicholas

This superb book concerns how territorial boundaries were drawn in the Holy Roman Empire between the Carolingian period and the eighteenth century. It shows how the Land, which from the twelfth century referred to the conglomeration of legal and political rights and offices that a lord held over his subjects and subject areas, became the territory, a geographical concept, in which location determined control. Measurable borders characterize the territory but not the Land. This study explains how and when the transition was made and thus concentrates on cartography and how territorial borders were perceived and eventually drawn. It uses the analytical framework of the transition in the Empire between the state based on personal relations and the institutional-territorial state. The focus is on Bavaria, Franconia, and the Rhineland and Westphalia.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vedran Sulovsky

Abstract Sacrum imperium (literally: holy empire) is a Latin phrase that entered the chancery of Holy Roman Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (1152–1190) in 1157. Sacrum imperium developed into the name of the Empire only much later, but scholars interpreted it as a programmatic phrase that Frederick and his chancellor, Rainald of Dassel, introduced as a part of their plan to ‘resacralize the state’ after its supposed desacralization by Pope Gregory VII (1073–1085) and the Empire’s defeat in the Investiture Controversy (1076–1122). In this article I show that sacrum imperium was introduced not by Frederick and Rainald but by a group of Italian courtiers who had developed a new political vocabulary based on that of Justinian’s Corpus iuris civilis and the contemporary Byzantine court language. I also demonstrate on the basis of Italian, Byzantine and papal sources that a desacralization of the state in 1122 never happened.


Author(s):  
Ute Planert

The article traces the making of modern Germany. War made the state, and the state made war: This statement holds true for the state of Germany. Unlike in France and England, political loyalties in Germany oscillated between the Reich, the nation, and individual states, as well as between different confessions. For this reason, problems in the course of state and nation building were more complex than in those European neighbor states where centralized power was established earlier and on a mono-confessional basis. The international rivalry of power played a pivotal role for European developments in the eighteenth century. Several German language territories strove to outgrow the constraints of the Holy Roman Empire, or Old Reich, and gain influence and importance. A detailed description of Napoleonic Rule in Germany, the decline of the same, the reshaping the state and its aftermath concludes this article.


2009 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 117-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. W. Evans

ABSTRACTIn the vibrant current debate about European empires and their ideologies, one basic dichotomy still tends to be overlooked: that between, on the one hand, the plurality of modern empires of colonisation, commerce and settlement; and, on the other, the traditional claim to single and undividedimperiumso long embodied in the Roman Empire and its successor, the Holy Roman Empire, or (First) Reich. This paper examines the tensions between the two, as manifested in the theory and practice of Habsburg imperial rule. The Habsburgs, emperors of the Reich almost continuously through its last centuries, sought to build their own power-base within and beyond it. The first half of the paper examines how by the eighteenth century their ‘Monarchy’, subsisting alongside the Reich, dealt with the associated legacy of empire. After the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Habsburgs could pursue a free-standing Austrian ‘imperialism’, but it rested on an uneasy combination of old and new elements and was correspondingly vulnerable to challenge from abroad and censure at home. The second half of the article charts this aspect of Habsburg government through an age of international imperialism and its contribution to the collapse of the Dual Monarchy in 1918.


Author(s):  
Jens Wolff

Luther was a point of reference in all three of the confessional cultures during the confessional age, though this was not something he had intended. His theological “self-fashioning” was not meant to secure, canonize, or stabilize his own works or his biography. Rather, he believed, and was convinced, that the hidden God rules in a strange way. He hides himself in the course of the world and realizes what we would have liked to realizes. Apart from this theological viewpoint, historiographic differentiation is needed: Luther had different impacts on each of the three confessions. Furthermore, one also has to differentiate between a deep impact and the unintended effects of Luther’s thinking. Luther was an extremely polarizing figure. From the beginning, he underwent a heroization and a diabolization by his contemporaries. Apart from this black-and-white reception of his person, it was, and still is, extremely difficult to analyze Luther, his work and medial effects. Historians have always been fixated on Luther: he was the one and only founder of Protestantism. His biography became a stereotype of writing and was an important element of Protestant (or anti-Protestant) identity politics. For some Protestants, his biography became identical with the history of salvation (Heilsgeschichte). For his enemies, his biography was identical with the history of the devil. In all historical fields, one has to differentiate between the different groups and people who protected or attacked Luther or shared his ideas. The history of Luther can only be written as a shared history with conflict and concordances: the so-called Anabaptists, for example, shared Luther’s antihierarchical ideal of Christian community, although on the other hand “they” were strongly opposed toward his theology and person. Luther or example, had conflicts with the humanists and with Erasmus especially; he argued about the Lord’s Supper with Zwingli, he criticized the Fuggers because of their financial transactions in an early capitalist society; and, last but not least, he was in conflict with the Roman Church. The legitimization of different pictures of Luther always depends upon the perspectives of the posterity: either Luther was intolerant against spiritualists, Anabaptists, or peasants who were willing to resort to violence; or he was defended by humanists like Sebastian Castellio for defending religious tolerance. During his lifetime Luther was an extremely polarizing figure. Hundreds of pro-Lutheran and polemical anti-Lutheran leaflets or texts were published. The many literary forms of parody, satire, caricature, the grotesque, and the absurd were cultivated during the confessional age. Luther’s biography was often used by Lutheran theologians as an instrument of heroization and identity politics in public discourse. Historically, one can differentiate between the time before and after Luther. The political and religious unity of the Holy Roman Empire was strongly disturbed, if not broken, through the Reformation. The end of the Universalist dreams of universal powers like theology and politics (pope and emperor) were some of the central preconditions for political, cultural, and theological differentiation of Europe. Religious differentiation was one of the unintended effects of theology and the interpretation of the scripture. Decades after Luther’s death, the Holy Roman Empire slowly and surprisingly turned into a poly-, multi- and interconfessional society.


1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 512-521
Author(s):  
Quincy Wright

The wars which are now drawing to a close can be compared to the Thirty Years War (1618–48), the War of the Spanish Succession, which really began in 1688 and lasted until 1713, and the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1789–1815). Each of these wars lasted thirty years or slightly less, and if we begin the present war in 1914, it already has become a fourth thirty-years war.All of these wars left problems which had aspects in common. In all, there was the problem of returning to the ways of peace, of settling boundaries and governments, of reconstruction, and of maintaining a stable international order. But in each successive war the area involved was larger, the number of participants in the peace was greater, their economic relationships were more pervasive, and a more intensive international political organization was attempted.At Westphalia in 1648, the effort was rather to establish the independence of states than to organize their interdependence. The ancient structure of the Holy Roman Empire and the universal spiritual authority of the Papacy were crumbling. The national independence of Switzerland and of the Netherlands and the virtual independence of the states of Germany were recognized. The notion of the sovereign territorial state, so different from the conception of a feudal hierarchy which had dominated medieval thinking, took root in men's minds and was promoted by the administration of efficient governments beginning to realize the possibilities of building power upon national sentiment.


Mediaevistik ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 436-438
Author(s):  
David Nicholas

This collection deals generally with the twelfth-century Hohenstaufen domains, which were called an “empire” by contemporaries, and the Plantagenet territories, which were not. The focus, although it is not adhered to rigidly, is the period of Henry II (1154–1189) in the Plantagenet areas of England and Western France and of Frederick I Barbarossa (1152–1190) in the Holy Roman Empire. It contains an introduction and nine substantive articles, two in German and the rest in English. Each paper appends its own list of sources and bibliography and an abstract in English. There is a substantial literature on most topics discussed, to which the authors add their own interpretations.


Author(s):  
Yair Mintzker

This introductory chapter discusses how the historical figure of Joseph Süss Oppenheimer—also known as Jew Süss—is incredibly elusive, and any understanding of him must begin with the political and legal regimes under which he lived and died. Oppenheimer spent almost his entire life in the southwest corner of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. In the eighteenth century, the Holy Roman Empire was the general political organization that connected the hundreds of more or less sovereign polities in German-speaking central Europe. Especially important for understanding Oppenheimer's case is the fact that the Empire's members shared a common legal system scholars term “inquisitorial.”


Author(s):  
Margaret Jane Radin

This chapter proposes an analytical framework for improving the evaluation of boilerplate. It begins with a discussion of questions for evaluating boilerplate rights deletion schemes; for example, whether all of the rights granted and/or maintained by the state are appropriately considered default rules. It then describes three elements of analysis that can help illuminate how boilerplate waivers should be evaluated: the nature of the right in question and whether that right is alienable; the quality of consent by a recipient; and the extent of social dissemination of the rights deletion. It also examines the effect of nonconsent or market-inalienability on any purported contract, as well as the kinds of rights that are or should be subject to market-inalienability or partial market-inalienability in the presence of problematic consent. Finally, it explores political rights and interests, along with basic human rights and interests.


Author(s):  
Stephen Harrison

This chapter looks at three eighteenth-century operas on the topic of Ascanius: Fux’s Julo Ascanio, re d’Alba (1708), Lotti’s Ascanio, ovvero Gli odi delusi dal sangue (1718), and Mozart’s Ascanio in Alba (1772). It shows that the story of Ascanius has cultural cachet and authority because of its origin in the respected classical texts of Virgil and Livy, and that it provides elevated subject matter appropriate for operas on great state occasions; this classical episode is conveniently flexible and tempting for subsequent adaptors because classical authors say so little about Ascanius, especially about his future career after the Aeneid, which is what these operas treat. The status of Ascanius as the ancestor of Augustus and of the Roman Empire has clear appeal to that empire’s self-conceived modern successors, the Holy Roman Empire and the Habsburgs; and Ascanius’ key role as the conduit through which the blood of Aeneas passes to later rulers makes him a natural choice for pieces performed on occasions of royal marriages, stressing the crucial nature of genetic and dynastic continuity.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document