Intersecting oppressions; intersecting struggles: Race, class and subalternity

This article offers intersectional theories of racism another way to think about Gramsci’s work; it will explore how Gramsci operationalizes the category of subaltern groups. It begins by briefly reviewing how Gramsci’s work is discussed in contemporary theoretical approaches to racism in the work of Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins, Michael Omi and Howard Winant and Stuart Hall. It will stress important similarities regarding the relationship between structural and social forces, political ideologies and consciousness. It will note how both ‘intersectionality’ and ‘articulation’ (one variant of this concept discussed by Hall) show how racism can be amplified through the overlapping or overdetermination of identities, representations and societal effects. It continues by exploring how racism was overdetermined in the Italian national context during the time that Gramsci had lived (and relates it to contemporary theoretical frameworks that organize our understandings of race, racialization and racism). The article then explores how subalternity has been theorized away from the context in which Gramsci employed the term and interpreted, instead, from the twin perspectives of absolute domination and radical autonomy. The article concludes by reading subalternity alongside of race, class and as a substantive cultural question and, in addition, a question of strategy and political organization.

The heritage of the League of Nations’ minority protection system

This paper discusses the system of minority protection of the League of Nations. Minority protection occupied a prominent place on the League’s agenda, which developed a significant expertise in the field. The League’s system of minority protection is often regarded as an experiment. With regard to both material and procedural aspects this assessment is certainly correct. In particular, minority protection based upon legally binding treaties and declarations gave rise to the question of how individual and group rights should be treated within the frame of an international political organization. The paper further examines whether at least some of the elements of the League’s minority protection system still persist in the context of contemporary international human rights law.

The Early Iron Age at Tell Abu al-Kharaz, Jordan Valley

The present monograph by Teresa Bürge deals with the material culture of the city of Tell Abu al-Kharaz in the northern part of the Jordan Valley. The basis and starting point is an extremely well-preserved domestic compound dating from the early Iron Age – one of the most controversial periods of the Eastern Mediterranean: it follows the political and economic collapse of the Late Bronze Age and results in a re-structuration of the political and social organization, which – due to the present state of research – is well documented only for the later Iron Age. In addition to a detailed examination of the architecture, the find material, its contexts, the relative and absolute chronology, and the possible function of the building, the study aims at an integration of the evidence from Tell Abu al-Kharaz into a broader picture. Special attention is devoted to the economy and social organization of the early Iron Age town, to aspects of tradition versus innovation, and patterns of economic contacts and migration. Therefore, the study contributes to a better understanding of processes of continuity and change in social and political organization and cross-cultural relations of pre- and protohistoric societies.

PARTICIPATION OF PEASANTS OF THE SIMBIRSK VOLGA REGION IN REVOLUTIONARY AND TERRORIST ACTIVITIES CARRIED OUT BY THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARY PARTY (1905–1907)

In the second half of the XIX century, revolutionary terrorism emerged in the territory of the Russian Empire. This particular kind of socio-political violence was promoted in those years by some populist groups that worked primarily in Moscow and St. Petersburg, for example, the Ishutin circle, which consisted mainly of students. One of its participants, a former student D. Karakozov, shot at the Russian Emperor Alexander II 155 years ago in April 1866 in St. Petersburg. The most famous “revolutionary terrorists” of Russia were members of the largest Russian opposition political organization of the XIX century, “Narodnaya Volya”, most of whom were, as one used to say then, raznochinets. Revolutionary terrorism in the empire reached its peak in the first years of the XX century (1902–1907), when it became part of the strategy and tactics of a number of opposition political parties and organizations of neo-populist orientation. They acted both in the national regions of the country (Little Russia, Transcaucasia) and in Russian capitals and regions. First of all, this has to do with the All-Russian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs). At the same time, in the territory of the Russian provinces in the era of brutal revolutionary terrorism in the country, not only the Socialist revolutionaries had their revolutionary-terrorist (combat) formations. So, during this period, terrorist units were created by the SR Maximalists who left the party during the First Russian Revolution and contributed to the ideological and organizational split of the Social Revolutionaries. In the same years, various anarchist structures had combat organizations. Having become a significant phenomenon of the socio-political life of a huge country, terrorism drew representatives of different social groups of the population into its practice. What was the role of the peasantry in the Socialist-Revolutionary terror? The author gives examples where the peasants of the Simbirsk Volga region took part in carrying out terrorist attacks. The researcher concludes that Russian peasants were among the active participants in combat units, which is clearly seen in the examples of combat structures of Simbirsk provincial organization of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, in the ranks of which, for example, in rural areas, there were combat squads consisting mainly of peasants.

Comparative Study of Business Excellence Frameworks and Awards in Southeast Asian Countries

Many countries have initialized and adopted the business excellence framework to encourage high-quality achievements and be recognised internationally, including in Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). ASEAN as an economic and political organization of 11 countries located in Southeast Asia, established a business excellence framework to promote international organizational excellence and serve as national quality awards, which most of them adopted the Baldrige Excellence Framework (BEF). This study utilizes the accumulation and analysis of qualitative information using several sources and evidence from the business excellence frameworks and awards in ASEAN countries. This paper presents analytical comparisons of various aspects of the framework, such as their goals, award and recognition, categories, and score points (scores). It also discusses the similarities and differences among them.

Algorithmic Opportunity Structures and the Dynamics of Online Activism: Far-Right Mobilization on Facebook

This paper introduces the concept of algorithmic opportunity structures to explore how the efficacy of online activism is contingent on the interaction between algorithms, activists, and audiences. In particular, I examine how far-right actors have gamed ranking and recommendation algorithms by producing content designed to generate high engagement rates. This tactic attracts algorithmic amplification, increasing their visibility and reach on social media. I consider the case of Britain First, a far-right, anti-Muslim movement that used Facebook to rapidly build the largest audience of any political organization in the United Kingdom. I use digital trace data, time series analysis, and topic modeling to study Britain First’s activity, recruitment, and support on Facebook. I identify dynamic equilibria indicative of algorithmically-mediated feedback loops, highlighting how variation in these processes is largely a function of user engagement. The content of the group’s posts and exogenous events, including elections and terrorist attacks, are also associated with short-term fluctuations in online mobilization. The results suggest that Britain First’s success is attributable to its exploitation of Facebook’s algorithms, demonstrating how technological assemblages designed and controlled by corporations can structure political competition and moderate opportunities for activism.

ANALYSIS OF THE MANAGEMENT OF THE FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE OF A POLITICAL PARTY IN ROMANIA USING THE CONCEPT OF BALANCED SCORECARD

The research is a case study on the analysis of the financial performance of a political party in Romania, at the end of 2020, using the strategic model for measuring the performance of the Balanced Scorecard. A review of the existing international scientific literature and case studies was conducted to define a balanced plan of performance indicators for one of the four perspectives of the BSC theoretical model, namely the financial perspective, which is common to both an economic organization and a political organization. The paper evaluates the financial activity of a political party through a computer application - BSC Designer Light, whose architecture allows customizing the theoretical model of the Balanced Scorecard on the activity of a political organization. The purpose of the scientific approach is to evaluate the result of the financial activity, quantifying the scores obtained by the analysed party for each indicator and sub-indicator defined within the financial perspective. This study can be a consistent basis for expanding research to assess the performance of a political party from an electoral or parliamentary perspective and can be a viable alternative to current methods of quantitative evaluation used by political parties in analysing the activity results.

Strategi Pemenangan Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan pada Pemilu Tahun 2019 di Kabupaten Aceh Tengah

A political party is a political organization that adheres to and is based on a certain ideology or can also be interpreted as an organization that accommodates the interests and voices of the people who want their interests to be heard by the authorities. Political marketing and political strategy are the most important part of selling and getting a positive response from the community so that people support certain parties or certain candidates. The research method with a qualitative approach, this strategy or method of winning has been thought out and also planned long before the election day arrives, but this strategy is also inseparable from the cooperation and contribution of the political parties it carries in achieving common goals. there are several ways and strategies carried out by the PDI-P party in the 2019-2024 period and it became one of the extraordinary events so that the PDI-P party won with the most votes. The strategy carried out by the PDI-P party in Central Aceh Regency is the collaboration between legislative candidates and the community. Cooperation carried out by the PDI-P party legislative candidates is one very good way to do it, so that work plans through the voice of the community can be carried out easily because of this collaboration. The next strategy is to improve good communication with the community, increase socialization, and have a competition event held by the PDI-P party to the community. With the competition event held by the PDI-P party legislative candidates to the community, so that people know more about the nature, character, behavior and know more about who the legislative candidates are. As well as improving the system and the way the PDI-P party's legislative candidates campaign openly and privately

Russian “Party of Power” vs Dominant Party

The article presents a factual analysis of the origin and formation of the “party of power” in Russia. The work demonstrates that at all stages the Russian “party of power” was designed and controlled by the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. The research carried out by the author shows that Russia’s “party of power” does not meet the criteria that would allow to qualify this political party as dominant, in any of its “incarnations”. This fully applies to the United Russia party that does not exert a significant impact on the appointments to the political and administrative positions and does not have any effect on the decisions that determine the state’s policy. The dominance of the United Russia party in the electoral field is ensured primarily by the electoral corruption, as well as by the fact that its “electoral machine” is represented by the system of public authorities at all levels, from federal to local. In turn, the dominance of this party in the State Duma and the rigid and strictly hierarchical administrative structure that it built in the lower chamber of the Russian Parliament allows the Presidential Administration to control the legislative process and parliamentary activity in general. According to the author’s conclusion, the “party of power” is an externally controlled political organization of a party type that protects the interests of Russia’s ruling nomenklatura and implements its goals in the processes of the formation of public authorities through electoral procedures, as well as in the course of the legislative and parliamentary activity. Not only does such an organization fail to meet the criteria of the dominant party, but it also fails to fully correspond to the concept of a political party per se.

The Concept of Effective Organization for Quality Performance of Public Administration: For New Democracies

The article considers a possible public administration performance measurement regarding to political organization situation in Croatia. The first performance measurement problem comes from multilevel responsibility and co-production implementations. Second comes with emergence of multilevel products origin. Thirdly, state is very open and integrated in the EU and globalization influence. Therefore, it is crucially important to identify products and the evaluation indicators of the public administration, according with the public goals and social values. The article considers the performance measurement and management methodological at an organizational frame and it also considers the social values influence on a methodology and the role of the public administration in fulfilment of the public policy. Finally, effective organization possible could be built and improved by measuring effectiveness. The paper has tried to show the public service complexity work and the purpose, but first of all the importance public administration for achieving public goals.