Contextual meanings of political vocabulary

Political vocabulary is one of the most relevant subjects of study of modern linguistics, constantly updated, it serves as an indicator of the state of the political sphere of society and the political consciousness of a person. The article is devoted to lexemes that have firmly entered the current political vocabulary of our time: democracy, liberal, patriotism, patriot, nationalism, nationalist, opposition, president. Based on the analysis of modern explanatory dictionaries of the Russian language, as well as the dictionary of political terms, it is concluded that terminological, special vocabulary in the modern political language is often used in an unusual meaning. In the article, using the method of contextual analysis, the evaluative connotative element of the meaning of the indicated lexemes is investigated. It is concluded that lexemes acquire a positive or negative evaluative value, first of all, depending on the context, the actual terminological meaning is leveled when used. The revealed meanings are non-systemic, accordingly, they are not fixed in dictionaries, while they are obvious to the carrier and are frequent. This indicates the specific nature of the modern political language, which is influenced by the modern journalistic style. The research results can be used to analyze controversial cases of the use of political vocabulary.

Application of digital technologies in litigation and dispute resolution

By now (we mean 2020) digitalization has completely replaced the more general modernization and innovation from both the political vocabulary and the sci-entific agenda. It is difficult to say how long this trend will continue and what kind of socio-technological phenomenon will replace it. It can be cyberization, within which a person will begin to bring himself into line with the canons of the sci-fi cyberpunks and combine biological with technological (and digital at the same time) in his body, or vice versa, some kind of reactionary naturalization. Anyway, now the widespread adoption of digital technology is an indisputable and obvious fact. And this process applies to all spheres of societys life, without bypassing legal proceedings and out-of-court settlement of disputes (or in other words - alternative dispute resolution), which can be significantly improved using digital technologies. This article analyses the practice and legislative regulation of the use of digital technologies in various forms of legal proceedings and such types of out-of-court dispute resolution as arbitration and mediation. Comparative legal method allowed to compare Russian and foreign legislations as well as approaches to determining the permissible limits of the use of digital technologies, including their intellectual variety. Individual proposals have been formulated to improve Russian legislation.

The Brazilian Federal Supreme Court and the Normalisation of Barbarity

This paper aims to explain the legal-political vocabulary that informs the decisions of the Brazilian Supreme Court on prison issues, giving prominence to the dimensions of race, gender, class and sexuality. In particular, it seeks to show the role of judicial action in the reproduction of black genocide, with significant implications for women, and how the Supreme Court acts as an authority over the barbarism installed in the criminal justice system. This article was originally published in Portuguese by the Brazilian journal Revista Direito e Praxis available at https://www.e-publicacoes.uerj.br/index.php/revistaceaju/article/view/50270 DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2020/50270

On Zionism and the Concept of Deferral

This paper offers a set of conceptual reflections on the politics of deferral. Beginning with an examination of this idea in analyses of colonialism, human rights, and liberalism, the paper turns to Gershom Scholem’s well-known opposition between Jewish messianism (“life lived in deferral”) and Zionism (concrete political action). The paper troubles this distinction by tracing the concept of deferral back into Scholem’s earliest writings on messianism and by showing the term’s genealogical reliance on the theological-political vocabulary of sovereignty. Against this critical background, the paper returns to the present, in order to reframe Scholem’s distinction and suggest that, far from negating messianic deferral, Zionism and Israeli colonial rule capture and redeploy its logic as a secular modality of power. The paper concludes by inscribing this secular, political theology of Zionism within a Christian history of deferral, messianism, and empire.

Judas Maccabeus and the Roman Republic: Greek Political Vocabulary in 1 Macc 8:1

Między wielu swymi znamionami, literacki geniusz autora 1 Mch ujawnia się w umiejętności zastosowania dyplomatycznych realiów polityki w opisie działań Judy Machabeusza dążącego do zwarcia przymierza z republiką rzymską. Terminy z zakresu polityki mają własną, długą historię, wykutą kilka wieków wcześniej, w świecie greckim, zanim jeszcze Rzym osiągnął szczyty swej potęgi. Użycie ich do przedstawienia poczynań Rzymu w 1 Mch 8,1 nie było sztuczną inwencją literacką autora, lecz zapożyczeniem celowym. Wykorzystując owe pojęcia z dziedziny polityki i dyplomacji potrafił je doskonale wpasować w nieprzemijającą wartość orędzia swego dzieła na poziomie tekstu natchnionego, którego przekaz był dla niego zdecydowanie najważniejszy. W ten sposób potrafił zestroić ze sobą elementy światowej polityki z działaniem Boga, posługującego się wszystkim, co tworzą ludzie w celu przeprowadzenia swej woli wobec własnego ludu.

NEW POLITICAL TERMS IN INTERNET-MEDIA SPEECH (SEMANTIC AND FUNCTIONAL ASPECT)

The article purpose is to analyze the semantic and functional parameters of the newest political terms in the Ukrainian internet-media speech. The study displays the semantic stratification of new terms based on their correlation with the environment and their functioning peculiarities using qualitative and quantitative parameters that allow to identify the most frequent lexical units in online media. The research object is the newest political terms in the modern Ukrainian language, and the subject of study is semantic and functional characteristics of these language units. The main research approach is semantic and functional analysis of language phenomena. Conceptual-linguistic method was used for semantic stratification of the latest political terms through the scope of their correlation with the environment. The quantitative analysis was meant to identify the most frequent lexical units with political semantics in online media. The descriptive method was used for linguistic facts interpretation. The article extends the notion of socio-political terminology and specifies correlation between socio-political terminology and socio-political vocabulary. The nomination system has formed and is permanently refreshed due to the new communication conditions in the globalized world. The study establishes that socio-political terminology is an open set with increasingly blurred boundaries. A lexical unit affiliation to socio-political terminology is determined by its conceptual content. The research proves that semantic stratification of the latest political terms is primarily based on the correlation with the environment, for instance, journalism and social communications, informational technologies, PR and advertising, art, linguistics, and rhetoric. Units in the analyzed lexical-semantic cluster are quite difficult to identify as terminological words or common words. The study has shown diffuse zone where the lexemes constantly fluctuate between strict requirements for a term (unambiguity, stylistic neutrality) and real functioning in media texts where they acquire imagery and expression. Therefore, the socio-political neolexicon needs further attention of scientists.

Epilogue

In the 1990s, the Republican Party embraced a deregulatory environmental agenda as a key element of its small government ideology. Taking advantage of systemic advantages at the federal level, the Republican Party has effectively blocked new legislative mandates for environmental interventions, most significantly around the looming catastrophe of climate change, despite popular support for government action. Despite their elegance as policy, cap-and-trade and other market-based solutions fail to provide environmental advocates with the right political vocabulary for the call to arms that this present moment demands. Instead, we should look back to the modern environmental movement of the 1960s and its powerful notion of a natural right to clean air and a healthy environment.

Bodies That Still Matter

The question of how best to name those who are most vulnerable to precarity and exploitation is both a conceptual and political one. It has been tempting in recent years to consider vulnerability as the foundation for a new politics, but that is an error. Vulnerability cannot be isolated as a new ground for politics. It is always contextual since it belongs to the organization of embodied and social relations. Vulnerability can neither be isolated from the constellation of rage, persistence, and resistance that emerges under specific historical conditions, nor can it be the basis for a new humanism. Rather, the differential exposure of bodies to abandonment, illness, and death, belong to a sphere of power that regulates the grievability of human lives, linked to the climate crisis and the demand for a new political vocabulary that moves beyond anthropocentrism. The differential scheme that governs the grievability of lives is a central component of social inequality at the same time that it belongs to forms of institutional violence that target communities and establish their precarity, if not their dispensability. If and when a population is (or is treated as) grievable, they can be acknowledged as a living population whose deaths would be grieved if their lives were lost. To assert the grievability of human life under conditions in which those lives have already been abandoned is to make a political claim against abandonment, for sustainable infrastructure, and for both the grievability and value of those lives. Mourning is thus linked with public protest, Vulnerability is the possibility of injury, but also of responsive and radical politics, one that asserts continued bodily existence as a form of persistence.

Russian lexicon in the lexical-semantic space of the newspaper “Tercüman”

The subject of this article is the Russian lexicon used in the Turkic-language texts of the newspaper “Tercüman” (Translator) of the late XIX century. The author determines the following thematic groups of the Russian loanwords: military, journalistic, political vocabulary, legal, pedagogical, economic, and literary studies lexicon, as well as the names of food and consumer goods. The examples of sociopolitical borrowed lexicon are most common, as they are the leading feature of the newspaper language. Description is given to the methods of explaining Russian lexicon in the Turkic-language text. In the provided examples, the Russian lexicon is both explicable and explanatory. Semanticization is carried out via explanatory conjunction “yani” (that is). In some examples, Russian equivalents are given in parentheses or comma separated. Use of the Russian lexeme in the text without clarification, indicates its earlier borrowing into the Crimean Tatar language. The scientific novelty of this research consists in determination of the Russian loanwords used in the Crimean Tatar written language of the late XIX century, as well as in broadening knowledge in the field of the history of lexicology of the Crimean Tatar language. The conducted research allows tracing the diachrony of infiltration of the Russian loanwords into the Crimean Tatar language, as well as reveals the international lexicon that came into the Crimean Tatar language through the means of Russian language and retains the Russian phonic sounds. Leaning on the provided examples, the author examines grapho-phonetic peculiarities and spelling of the Russian loanwords in Arabic text in the Crimean Tatar language. This work may be valuable for further research of the history infiltration and peculiarities of the use of Russian loanwords in the Crimean Tatar language.

“A Factious, Seditious and Unruly Multitude”

As a child in Malmesbury, Thomas Hobbes had an opportunity to observe many of the social and political phenomena that he considered in his later work. Contemporary sources reveal that Hobbes lived in a community that was wracked by marked animosity between different social groups, frequent disorder and a lack of consensus about the legitimacy of local political institutions. There was tension between the town’s elite and a proletariat of impoverished workers. Different members of the elite clashed, sometimes violently, as they competed for local ascendancy. Hobbes’s extended family was heavily involved in these events. His hometown was deeply troubled. It was also a place where people had access to some “political” vocabulary which they used when describing their discontents and conflicts. The possible influence of Hobbes’s early experiences on his intellectual development has attracted little previous attention.