THE MAIN DIRECTIONS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINESE-BELARUSIAN RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE POLITICAL CRISIS IN THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS IN 2020

Author(s):  
Чунян Ли

В данной статье анализируется современное состояние и перспективы развития отношения между КНР и Республикой Беларусь. В последние годы Минск и Пекин эффективно взаимодействуют как в экономи-ческой, так и политической сфере и имеют хороший потенциал для углубления сотрудничества. Китай выступил одним из немногих стран, поддержавших действующую белорусскую власть, что должно придать двусторонним отношениям новый импульс. This article analyzes the current state and prospects for the development of relations between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Belarus. In recent years, Minsk and Beijing have effectively interacted in both the economic and political spheres and have a good potential for deepening cooperation. China was one of the few countries that supported the current Belarusian government, which should give a new impetus to bilateral relations.

2021 ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
B.M. Cheskidov

In article the interrelation of current political crisis in the Special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China Siangtan (Hong Kong) with change of its importance for transit of the capital from continental China in offshore jurisdictions and its return as part of transformation of a situation in the People’s Republic of China is considered. The conclusion about the serious financial reasons for development of crisis in the direction of strengthening of separatist sentiments in Hong Kong is drawn and related aggravation of a military-political situation.


2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shizhong Yang ◽  
Ruining Yang ◽  
Z. Jun Lin

This paper exhibits the historical evolution of the balance sheet in the People's Republic of China. In particular, we examine three major changes in the balance sheet (which reports the financial position of an economic or business entity) since the founding of the new China in 1949 and the political, social and economic changes during this period. The content, structure and presentation of the balance sheet (or alternative forms of the statement in use) are illustrated. The political and economic factors driving its evolution are analyzed to assist readers in understanding the rapid changes in Chinese accounting over the last six decades. The implications of the Chinese experience for international accounting convergence are also briefly outlined.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.


De Jure ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitar Mladenov ◽  

The article addresses various problems in the practical implementation of the Treaty on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters between the Republic of Bulgaria and the People’s Republic of China. These include way of execution, proofs, centralized communication, special autonomous regions of China, political crimes, etc. from a Bulgarian perspective.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Pawel Sendyka

Abstract Taiwan is an island that off the coast of China. To say that Taiwan is a country is to offend the Communist People’s Republic of China which claims sovereignty over the island and markets it to the world as a “renegade province” which must be re-united with the mainland, by force, if necessary. For people who know very little about Taiwan and its big neighbour across the Taiwan Strait this may even sound convincing, but the truth is more complex. In 1949 the nationalist government (Kuomintang or KMT) having lost the Chinese Civil War retreated from the mainland; the communists have never ruled the island. The settling of the Republic of China’s government in Taiwan and the era of “White Terror” was another one in a series of historical events that were fundamental in forming the modern Taiwanese identity. Whatever the proponents of “one China” claim, the truth of the matter is that there is a shift in attitudes of the inhabitants of Taiwan in how they feel about themselves (Taiwanese, Chinese or both). This is a crucial fact that will have to be acknowledged in the cross-strait relations. The identity argument as such, is independent of any historical claims. And this Taiwanese identity has been evolving and will continue to do so, shaped by the past and the most recent events like the Hong Kong protests, the pandemic, politics and the military aggression and intimidation by the People’s Republic of China. This article will examine these factors in turn.


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