The British Union of Fascists and Northern Ireland (II)

Author(s):  
James Loughlin

This chapter examines the emergence and activities of the BUF- sponsored Ulster Fascists, a regional formation heavily influenced by the great surge of support for the BUF in Britain when Lord Rothermere threw his support behind Mosley in 1933, encouraging the belief that a Mosley Government would soon be in power. The chapter demonstrates the problems the UF faced in a largely hostile environment, with opposition from the Unionist authorities and labour and socialist organisations; and eventually by the Irish News, the main organ of nationalist and Catholic opinion in Northern Ireland and which had given it a high degree of publicity. It was affronted by UF defence of Nazi repression in Germany, especially denial of persecution of the Catholic Church, and by differences on moral issues between the BUF and Catholic teaching. Failing to prosper in a political context offering little space for externally inspired parties, the UF suffered internal divisions and collapsed in early 1935.

2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 603-620
Author(s):  
Martin Doherty

AbstractIt is often assumed, particularly by outsiders, that the conflict in Northern Ireland—known euphemistically as “the Troubles”—in which some 3,600 people lost their lives, was an atavistic throwback to Europe's religious wars of earlier centuries. In 1979, by which time some 2,000 people had already been killed in the Troubles, Pope John Paul II proposed to pay a visit to Ireland and perhaps to cross the border into Ulster's sectarian cockpit. The idea provoked outrage from some Ulster Protestants and high anxiety for the British, concerned that the Pope might inadvertently inflame the situation or embarrass the British by raising difficult issues. But there were hopes, too, that an unequivocal condemnation of violence by the head of the Catholic Church might help to bring the conflict to an end. This article, based on extensive research in diplomatic archives, reveals deep divisions within the Catholic Church on the Irish question and points to the power and limitations of the British diplomatic reach into the Vatican. It reveals also, however, the powerlessness of prayer and pleadings in the face of terrorist violence.


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (119) ◽  
pp. 429-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael McGrath

The Ministry of Education was, and remains, the most important government department for the Catholic church in Northern Ireland. As Cormack, Gallagher and Osborne note, The Department of Education in Northern Ireland occupies a distinctive place in terms of the general relationships between the government and the Catholic community. Throughout the period since the creation of Northern Ireland, the most significant social institution over which the Catholic community has exercised control, principally through the Catholic church, has been the Catholic education system.The devolved government appeared to recognise Catholic educational interests by usually appointing as Minister of Education one of the more liberal figures within the Ulster Unionist Party such as Lord Londonderry, Lord Charlemont and Samuel Hall-Thompson. However, in the first week of 1950 Sir Basil Brooke ‘surprised everyone, and appalled Catholics’ by appointing Harry Midgley, an avowed opponent of the Catholic clergy and autonomous Catholic schools, as Northern Ireland’s sixth Minister of Education.


2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Hartmut Kreß

Abstract The joint declarations of the Protestant and Catholic Churches concerning ethical questions express the ecumenical progress achieved so far. However, the present ecumenical tension is obvious in issues conceming the understanding of the church, doctrine, and freedom of conscience. The Catholic Church has recently laid a greater emphasis on the hierarchical, authoritative and binding character of ecclesiastical doctrine in moral issues as weiL For the Protestant Church and theology however freedom of conscience is fundamental. In spite of these theological differences the significance of joint declarations for the future must be emphasized. The arguments of Catholic and Protestant ethics can complement each other in joint declarations. The joint declarations reach !arger parts of today's society than texts worded by only one Church.


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