The narrow road: Harry Midgley and Catholic schools in Northern Ireland

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (119) ◽  
pp. 429-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael McGrath

The Ministry of Education was, and remains, the most important government department for the Catholic church in Northern Ireland. As Cormack, Gallagher and Osborne note, The Department of Education in Northern Ireland occupies a distinctive place in terms of the general relationships between the government and the Catholic community. Throughout the period since the creation of Northern Ireland, the most significant social institution over which the Catholic community has exercised control, principally through the Catholic church, has been the Catholic education system.The devolved government appeared to recognise Catholic educational interests by usually appointing as Minister of Education one of the more liberal figures within the Ulster Unionist Party such as Lord Londonderry, Lord Charlemont and Samuel Hall-Thompson. However, in the first week of 1950 Sir Basil Brooke ‘surprised everyone, and appalled Catholics’ by appointing Harry Midgley, an avowed opponent of the Catholic clergy and autonomous Catholic schools, as Northern Ireland’s sixth Minister of Education.

Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kosobudzka

SUMMARYThe article below focuses on the source analysis of the process of investigating Diocesan Curia in Lublin in the years 1946-1947, during the period when two Lublin ordinaries were in charge: Bishop Stefan Wyszyński (1946-1948) and Bishop Piotr Kałwa (1949-1974). Diocesan Curia, as the most important institution in the Church administrative hierarchy, was subject to intensive surveillance by PRL’s apparatus of repression.At the beginning, the process of investigating the management structure on the diocese level was not conducted by specially selected departments but was performed as a part of broadly conceived actions directed against Catholic clergy. In the years 1946-1948,when bishop Stefan Wyszyński was in charge, operational activities against the clergy and the bishops were led by 5th Section of 5th Department of Voivodeship Public Security Office (Sekcja V Wydziału V Wojewódzkiego Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa) in Lublin (until the February of 1953). It can be inferred from the recorded data that until 1949 the Diocesan Curia’s circle in Lublin was very poorly uncovered by Polish communist secret police and their activity amounted only to gathering and verifying data received from informants. The shortage of well-trained agents prevented taking more intensive actions against Bishop Wyszyński and Diocesan Curia in Lublin.In the years 1949-1974, when Bishop Piotr Kałwa was in charge, the 5th Section of the 5th Department of VPSO continued their operational activities aimed against the Lublin’s Curia. In 1953 a new department was created on the basis of 5th Section. The so-called 11th Department took over the entirety of cases pertaining to the Catholic Church. In 1955 the 11th Department was transformed into 6th Department of VPSO in Lublin. 3rd Department of VPSO in Lublin and 1st Section of 6th Department of Polish communist secret police of Voivodeship Polish Citizen Militia Headquarters in Lublin (referat Służby Bezpieczeństwa w Komendzie Wojewódzkiej Milicji Obywatelskiej), respectively, also conducted investigation activities concerning the bishops and Curia.As of 1949, the Diocesan Curia in Lublin was subject to intensive surveillance by the PRL’s security service apparatus. Its main aim at that point was to restrict the Curia’s activity so as to gain control over it. In order to achieve that, the activity of Curial employees and bishops was documented and revealed. Additionally, the conflicts between the bishops, Curial employees and KUL’s management were incited and deepened. What is more, the secret police attentively scrutinized bishops’ and Curial employees’ personal lives in order to gather compromising data, gained secret collaborators (47 secret agents were involved in the process) and limited Curia employees’ departures for studies abroad. Almost every type of operation activities was used against Bishop Piotr Kałwa. The secret police applied phone tapping, bugging, surveillance, reading mail and sending anonymous letters in order to undermine his authority. What is more, the secret police tried to set bishop Kałwa at variance with Primate Wyszyński. However, these actions did not change Bishops Kałwa’s stance who, until his death, unwaveringly defended the Catholic Church’s independence from the government.


1947 ◽  
Vol 5 (20) ◽  
pp. 287-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver MacDonagh

The catholic church in Ireland never, as a church, defined for itself an attitude towards emigration. Priests and bishops, when they spoke of emigration, usually spoke as individuals, not as members of their order. The relatively small number who have left any opinions on record were not necessarily the most influential. We cannot be certain that their views represented the feelings of the clergy as a whole. The day to day conversations and advice of ordinary priests, of which we can know little, mere far more influential in this matter than the pastorals or public letters which survive. In the place of a single voice speaking with authority or the steady murmur of unanimity, we can hear only the heterogeneous confusion of a score of voices, some perhaps seriously distorted by the public controversy in which they were raised.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 157-184
Author(s):  
Witold Jemielity

Three periods could be observed in the Congress Kingdom of Poland considerable political freedom until November uprising, severe restrictions for the citizens after 1831, and unification with the Russian Empire after January uprising. During each of these periods the Catholic Church experienced new situation, however the second half of the century happened to be the hardest. 1905 was the turning-point in tsar’s policy in which political situation in the country had considerable contribution. The government made two important concessions: both languages Russian and Polish could be used as official ones, and, on 17/30 of April the so called tolerant ukase was issued that concerned religious matters. The Catholic Church in the Congress Kingdom of Poland gained more freedom. The Author of the following work showed this in the separate fields of work connected with ministering to a parish such as: keeping files of records, priests’ dwellings, appointing and moving priests, bishop’s inspections, church processions, parish indulgences, change of the parish boundaries, church building, retreats and Congregations of the clergy, the Pope’s jubilee, contacts with Rome, convents, Greek Catholics, wayside crosses, Russian language in church institutions, religion lessons at schools, voting to the Russian Parliament, the tsar and social matters. The Author has been dealing with the problem of Church history in the Congress Kingdom of Poland for many years. The present work summarizes the settlements the author has obtained hitherto and especially pays attention to changes that occurred after the year 1905.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 195-212
Author(s):  
Piotr Sroka

An account given by Rev. Andrzej Dziełak is one of over a dozen such narratives written down for a scientific conference “Cardinal Kominek – a forerunner of the Polish-German reconciliation” which was organized by The Memory and Future Institute (Wrocław, 4th December 2008). These conference documents give us insight into circumstances and consequences of the Polish bishops addressing the German bishops. In some parts, these documents are focused in the narrative of Rev. Andrzej Dziełak, who in 1965 was a clerical student in the Higher Seminary in Wrocław. For contemporary clerics Cardinal Kominek was an indisputable authority, both moral and intellectual. Every Saturday during a seminary meeting he would share with them his observations on the situation of the Catholic Church in those days in Poland and abroad, and on complex relations with the communist state. Still, the Pastoral Letter of the Polish bishops to the German bishops turned out to be a huge surprise to the Catholic clergy of Wrocław, especially since at the beginning they did not have the text of the document at their disposal. Rev. Dziełak admits that at the beginning the message conveyed in the Letter was received with reluctance by a great part of the congregation. This was due to the recent war and a successful propaganda of the communist government. However, right from the beginning, clerics had no doubts as to the identity of the author of the groundbreaking document – they knew that it was prepared by a bishop of Wrocław who was the most knowledgeable person in the Episcopate regarding German issues.


Author(s):  
Yu Tao

The relationship between religion and protest has been thoroughly discussed in various academic disciplines of social sciences, but there is far from consensus on the topic. Scholars differ significantly in their opinions on how religious values and doctrines shape the mechanisms which link protest and religion, and on how interaction between religious groups, the state, and other secular and religious groups may increase or reduce the likelihood of protests. Contemporary China provides an ideal setting in which to further advance scholarly understanding of roles that religion plays in protest, thanks to its richness, diversity, and complexity of religion, protest, and their relationship. In contemporary China, due to the inherent, profound, and possibly deliberate ambiguities within the state’s legal and regulatory arrangements on religious affairs, the boundaries between government-sanctioned churches and “underground” churches are often blurred. Many Christianity-related protests directly respond to government crackdowns, which are aimed not only at those congregations and groups that are normally considered as “underground,” “unofficial,” or “independent,” but also at churches that have long been tolerated or even officially recognized by the state. Further, while many Christianity-related protests are closely associated with the clash of ideologies in contemporary China, the specific causes of protests differ significantly among Catholic and Protestant churches, and Christian-inspired groups. The ideological incompatibility between the ruling Communist Party and the Catholic Church in China is epitomized by their struggle for authority and influence over the Chinese Catholic community. Until the provisional agreement signed between Beijing and the Vatican in September 2018, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Holy See had been competing fiercely for the authority to approve the ordination of new bishops, with such confrontations triggering numerous protests among Chinese Catholics. Unlike the Catholic Church, many of the Protestant churches that have emerged in the post-Mao era—including most “house” churches that do not affiliate with the state-sanctioned church—have no direct link with the transnational denominations which were active in China before the communist takeover in 1949 and are operated solely by Chinese citizens. However, while many Chinese Protestants display affection toward China and a sense of responsibility for improving their country, some influential Protestant church leaders have turned their progressive theology into social activism since the turn of the 21st century, leading to various forms of protests against the authoritarian policies and politics in contemporary China. Ideological and theological conflicts between different religions or religious schools may also trigger the Chinese state’s suppression of certain religious groups and activities, which often in turn cause protests. In particular, the Communist Party tends to impose extremely harsh repercussions on religious groups that are accused by mainstream Christianity of being “heterodoxies,” like the Shouters and the Disciples. These religious groups are often labelled as “evil cults” and their leaders and members often face legal action or even criminal charges. The protests organized by these religious groups have not only targeted the government but also the mainstream Christian churches that criticize them from a theological point of view. Given the profound ideological and political incompatibility of the CCP and various Christian groups, it is unlikely that Christianity can replicate the close collaborations that Buddhism and Daoism have developed with the CCP since the early 1980s.


Author(s):  
Karolus Budiman Jama ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Ketut Ardhana ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan

Manggaraian ethnic has a special art named Caci. The art holds and became an identity of the whole of Manggaraian. The art was begun as the ritual of farmer’s land fertility. In its developing, the aesthetic has gone under the multifunction in it show time. The art is not only performing for the shake of the local people culture, but also perform for the political interest as well as the catholic church in Mangggarai.  This research used ethnographic method, data collected through the observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation. The research was done in Manggaraian ethnic of Flores. Every Caci performance has its own unique ideology. The ideology goes behind the cultural Caci performance is the ideology of fertility. The ideology goes behind the government interest of Caci performance is capitalism economy and political power.  The church ideology is inclusivism through the inculturation languages. Keywords: dynamic, multifunction, caci, ideology, culture identity


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