Blackout: How Long, O Lord, How Long?

Author(s):  
Maurice N. Eisendrath

This chapter presents a sermon by Maurice N. Eisendrath, delivered on the third Rosh Hashanah of the war. The situation of Canadian rabbis was precariously positioned between those of American preachers to the south and British preachers to the east. Canada, as part of the British Commonwealth, had long been part of the war effort, so the debate over whether or not to enter the war was not an issue, as it still was for colleagues in the United States. On the other hand, Canada was not directly affected by the war as was Britain, where one year earlier London had suffered a sustained air attack unprecedented in its devastation (a situation that certainly affected the mood in Toronto on the previous Rosh Hashanah, as the preacher reminds his listeners). Now, although the battles on the recently opened Eastern Front were of almost unimaginable ferocity, to many Canadians the war seemed distant; life at home seemed almost normal, as it did to many in the United States. This was precisely the mindset that Eisendrath set out to censure.

2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Didier

ArgumentWhen the New Deal administration attained power in the United States, it was confronted with two different problems that could be linked to one another. On the one hand, there was a huge problem of unemployment, affecting everybody including the white-collar workers. And, on the other hand, the administration suffered from a very serious lack of data to illuminate its politics. One idea that came out of this situation was to use the abundant unemployed white-collar workers as enumerators of statistical studies. This paper describes this experiment, shows how it paradoxically affected the professionalization of statistics, and explains why it did not affect expert democracy despite its Deweysian participationist aspect.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 586-589
Author(s):  
George Link Spaeth ◽  
G. Winston Barber

The prevalence of homocystinuria in patients with mental retardation institutionalized in the United States is about 0.02%; this is lower than a previous estimation from Northern Ireland (0.3%). On the other hand, about 5% of patients with dislocated lenses may be expected to have the disease. A silver-nitroprusside test which is almost completely specific for homocystine has been evaluated. It should be useful for screening.


2011 ◽  
Vol 77 (7) ◽  
pp. 2502-2507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mete Yilmaz ◽  
Edward J. Phlips

ABSTRACTAphanizomenon ovalisporumis the only confirmed cylindrospermopsin producer identified in the United States to date. On the other hand,Cylindrospermopsis raciborskiiis a prominent feature of many lakes in Florida and other regions of the United States. To see the variation in cylindrospermopsincyrBgene adenylation domain sequences and possibly discover new cylindrospermopsin producers, we collected water samples for a 3-year period from 17 different systems in Florida. Positive amplicons were cloned and sequenced, revealing that approximately 92% of sequences wereA. ovalisporum-like (>99% identity). Interestingly, 6% of sequences were very similar (>99% identity) tocyrBsequences ofC. raciborskiifrom Australia and ofAphanizomenonsp. from Germany. Neutrality tests suggest thatA. ovalisporum-likecyrBadenylation domain sequences are under purifying selection, with abundant low-frequency polymorphisms within the population. On the other hand, when compared between species by codon-based methods, amino acids of CyrB also seem to be under purifying selection, in accordance with the one proposed amino acid thought to be activated by the CyrB adenylation domain.


Author(s):  
Gregg A. Brazinsky

This chapter shows how the PRC’s search for greater status brought with it new obligations. China’s desire to stand at the helm of an Eastern revolution compelled the CCP to offer assistance to other Asian revolutionaries. The chapter argues that this mindset was a key factor in Beijing’s decisions to enter the Korean War and provide training and assistance to the Viet Minh. The United States, on the other hand, sought to prevent the PRC from gaining stature through its role in these conflicts. It often cited deflating China’s prestige in Asia as a motive for both fighting on in Korea and aiding the French in Indochina.


2021 ◽  
pp. 260-294
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo

Chapter 7 follows nonblack minorities through their training and service in the United States. America’s World War II military, from its top leaders to its enlisted personnel, simultaneously built and blurred a white-nonwhite divide alongside its black-white one. On the one hand, the blurring stemmed from a host of factors, including the day-to-day intermingling of troops, the activism of nonblack minorities, and, paradoxically, the unifying power of the black-white divide among nonblacks. On the other hand, this blurring had its limits. White-nonwhite lines cropped up in some of the same places black-white ones did and in some different ones, too, especially those related to national security and Japanese Americans. In the end, these lines remained in place throughout the war years, despite continuous blurring. They did so in part because of these racialized national security concerns and because of the power of civilian racist practices and investments.


Author(s):  
Robert Jackson ◽  
Georg Sørensen

This chapter examines three important debates in International Political Economy (IPE). The first debate concerns power and the relationship between politics and economics, and more specifically whether politics is in charge of economics or whether it is the other way around. The second debate deals with development and underdevelopment in developing countries. The third debate is about the nature and extent of economic globalization, and currently takes places in a context of increasing inequality between and inside countries. This debate is also informed by the serious financial crisis of 2008 and has raised questions regarding the viability of the current model of capitalism in the United States and Western Europe.


2003 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-36
Author(s):  
William I. Hitchcock

Three scholars offer separate responses to the article by Michael Creswell and Marc Trachtenberg. The responses include some common points, but they diverge sharply in other respects. The first two respondents generally agree with the conclusions reached by Creswell and Trachtenberg, but one of them believes that the article goes too far (in its contention that France's anxiety about the Soviet Union eclipsed its concerns about Germany), whereas the other argues that the article does not go far enough in showing how the United States adapted its policy to accommodate French leaders. The second respondent also questions whether Creswell and Trachtenberg have added anything new to the latest “revisionist” works on French-German relations in the first decade of Cold War. The third respondent, unlike the first two, rejects the main thrust of the article by Creswell and Trachtenberg and seeks to defend the traditional view that France was very reluctant to go along with U.S. and British policies on the German question. This respondent also questions whether Creswell and Trachtenberg have focused on the most appropriate sources of evidence.


1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Morgenthau

Of the seeming and real innovations which the modern age has introduced into the practice of foreign policy, none has proven more baffling to both understanding and action than foreign aid. The very assumption that foreign aid is an instrument of foreign policy is a subject of controversy. For, on the one hand, the opinion is widely held that foreign aid is an end in itself, carrying its own justification, both transcending, and independent of, foreign policy. In this view, foreign aid is the fulfillment of an obligation of the few rich nations toward the many poor ones. On the other hand, many see no justification for a policy of foreign aid at all. They look at it as a gigantic boon-doggle, a wasteful and indefensible operation which serves neither the interests of the United States nor those of the recipient nations.


Polar Record ◽  
1944 ◽  
Vol 4 (28) ◽  
pp. 170-185
Author(s):  
Richard J. Cyriax

When Sir Leopold McClintock returned from King William Land in 1859, he stated that none of Sir John Franklin's officers and men could still be living, and the principal Arctic authorities entirely agreed with him. Nevertheless, a dissentient voice was raised in the United States by Captain Charles Francis Hall. Convinced that survivors might still be found, he undertook two Arctic expeditions in search of them. His first expedition, to Frobisher Bay (1860–62), yielded no relevant information, and need not be described. On the other hand, his second expedition, which lasted five years (1864–69), was not in vain. He spent the first winter near Wager River, and the other four winters at Repulse Bay, and made many journeys from his winter quarters. The stories told him by Eskimos convinced him at first that his long-cherished belief was founded on fact, and he informed his friends in the United States that survivors of the Franklin expedition might still be alive. Not until he himself had visited King William Land in 1869 did he realise that he had been too sanguine.


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