scholarly journals A Gothic Vision: the Architectural Patronage of Bishop James Goold in Colonial Victoria

ABE Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paola Colleoni
2009 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 31-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manolo Guerci

Salisbury House is but one example from a significant corpus of architectural patronage carried out by a single family. In two generations, the Cecils created three great ‘prodigy houses’ among a range of notable country houses including Cranborne Manor in Dorset, Pymmes in Hertfordshire, Wothorpe Lodge near Burghley House in Northamptonshire, and Snape Castle in Yorkshire. It was William Cecil, 1st Baron Burghley (1520/21-98), who from the early 1560s initiated this prolific campaign of building with Burghley House in Northamptonshire, Theobalds in Hertfordshire, and Burghley House in London. Both Thomas Cecil (1542-1623) and Robert Cecil (1563-1612) inherited their father’s passion for architecture. Even when Burghley House in the Strand was nearing completion, Thomas continued work on his remarkable Italianate villa in Wimbledon (begun 1588, demolished c. 1720), one of the most innovative houses of the period, with a three-sided plan, built on a steeply sloping hillside that prompted the composition of elaborate terraces. Like the family’s other properties, Wimbledon House was able to offer hospitality to Elizabeth I, while Hatfield House, built by Robert Cecil between 1607 and 1612, was specifically designed to entertain James I and his Queen, Anne of Denmark. In London, Robert Cecil’s architectural patronage started in about 1596 with the improvement and remodelling of Beaufort House in Chelsea, apparently in order to extend his influence into that area, although the scheme was quickly abandoned. Three years later, Robert began Salisbury House in the Strand, while in 1609 he built the first commercial centre in the West End, known as the ‘New Exchange’. From 1612, he also developed a strip of land along the west side of St Martin’s Lane as a new residential area, but did not live to see it completed.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-85
Author(s):  
Christine Isom-Verhaaren

AbstractDue to the fact that an Ottoman princess never succeeded to the throne, princesses are usually dismissed as political ciphers lacking power or influence. Mihrimah (Mehr-o-māh), the only daughter of Süleyman (Solaymān) and his concubine (later wife) Hurrem (Khorram), wielded more power during her father’s reign than did her brothers. Together with her mother, and her grand vizier husband, Rüstem (Rostam) Pasha, she belonged to the most powerful faction of her father’s reign. Rare among Süleyman’s favorites, these three never lost his regard leading to loss of status and/or life. By examining Mihrimah’s architectural patronage, her correspondence with her father, her amassment of great wealth, and her involvement in administrative appointments and decisions regarding military expeditions, this article analyzes the particular quality and origin of Mihrimah’s influence and power. It argues that because Mihrimah was female and ineligible to succeed to the sultanate, she was able to develop a closer relationship with her father than could his sons who were candidates for the throne, and thus potentially could revolt against him. This closeness continued even after death, for Mihrimah was the only one of Süleyman’s children to be buried with him in his tomb.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-176
Author(s):  
Charles Melville

The discovery and recent publication of the third volume of the Afḍal al-tawārīkh (The Most Excellent of Histories) by Fazli Beg Khuzani Isfahani (d. after 1640), with its rich layers of new details on the reign of Shah ʿAbbas I (1587–1629), has made possible a search for fresh information on the shah’s architectural patronage and development of the Safavid capital at Isfahan in the early seventeenth century. Apart from several details not recorded elsewhere, Fazli Beg’s chronicle provides a more continuous account of the development of the city than other contemporary sources, which tend instead to concentrate and group the details of the construction of different buildings into the record of a few specific dates, so that it is not always clear when they were initiated or completed. Fazli Beg gives the impression of a city under constant construction, and of the shah’s restless impatience to propel the work forward. The paper also attempts to address the chronological disparities found in the main sources for the period. 



2008 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM WHYTE

ABSTRACTBetween 1957 and 1977 the University of Leeds engaged in a massive programme of rebuilding. Employing the architects Chamberlin, Powell, and Bon, Leeds transformed itself – becoming, in the words of one commentator, ‘Our first contemporary urban university’. Previously ignored by historians, this development in the history of the university illustrates a number of important themes. In the first place, it exemplifies the significance of architecture in defining higher education. Secondly – and more particularly – it shows how both academics and architects hoped to use Brutalist architecture to express the modernity of the University of Leeds. Thus the decision to employ avant-garde designers in the late 1950s and the resolution to dismiss them twenty years later both came from the same modernizing impulse. Thirdly, it shows how personal connection secured architectural patronage in this period. The Development Plan also highlights the way in which architects of the British modern movement used universities as laboratories in which to experiment with ideas about community and proper urban design. The modernist moment at Leeds, then, can be seen as representative of wider trends in British building, not least because it lasted for such a short period of time.


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