Aspects of the Architectural Patronage of the Family of the Counts of Anjou in the Twelfth Century

Anjou ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 96-110
Author(s):  
Lindy Grant
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The Family ◽  
Architectural Patronage

Reddatur Parentibus: The Vengeance of the Family in Cnut's Homicide Legislation

2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Jurasinski
Keyword(s):  
Old English ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
Eleventh Century ◽  
British Library ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Corpus Christi ◽  
The Family ◽  
Ultimate Outcome ◽  
English Law ◽  
One Year

TheAnglo-Saxon Chroniclestates that during his 1018 meeting in Oxford with the leading English ecclesiastical and lay authorities, roughly one year after his accession to the throne in England, Cnut agreed to uphold “the laws of Edgar” during his reign. The ultimate outcome of this and subsequent meetings is the code issued at Winchester in 1020, referred to by editorial convention as I and II Cnut. This code contains, respectively, the religious and secular laws of England promulgated under Cnut. The code is contained in four manuscripts in Old English. The earliest are British Library, Cotton Nero A.i and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (CCCC) 201, both dated to the mid-eleventh century; the latest, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (CCCC) 383 and British Library, Harley 55, belong to the early twelfth century. Cnut's code reappears in three twelfth-century Norman Latin tracts intended to acquaint French authorities with English law, theInstituta Cnuti, Consiliatio Cnuti, andQuadripartitus. TheLeges Henrici Primi, prepared by the same author as theQuadripartitus, also draws heavily on Cnut's legislation.

Fashions in Monastic Endowment: the Foundations of the Clare Family, 1066–1314

1981 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. C. Ward
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
Continuous Family ◽  
Medieval History ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Marked Diminution ◽  
The Family ◽  
Monastic Life ◽  
Military Orders ◽  
Successive Generations ◽  
The Military

The great expansion in monasticism in Normandy and England in the eleventh and twelfth centuries is a commonplace of medieval history, as is the marked diminution in monastic grants after c. 1200. Far more attention, however, has been paid to the religious houses than to their founders, and it is only by looking at a baronial family over a long period that one can discern the fashions which undoubtedly existed in monastic benefaction and the changes in attitude of successive generations. The Clare family were both long-lasting and prolific, and, because of the numerous changes in the landed position of various members of the family, it is possible to see how closely in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the acquisition of new territories and the endowment of monasteries went together. Moreover, we are able to trace the changing preferences for different monastic orders and, to some extent, the reasons for this, and, in addition, to see this in the context not only of Normandy and England, but of Wales and Ireland as well. Whereas in the eleventh and early twelfth century, the Clares' gifts passed to Benedictine houses, many of them Norman or with Norman connections, they became more interested later in the new orders of the Augustinian canons and Cistercians which were spreading rapidly over Europe. At the same time they made grants to the military orders of the Hospitallers and Templars which, by giving knights the opportunity to combine fighting with a monastic life, fused two ideals of the twelfth-century world. In contrast to the variety and amount of these monastic benefactions, the Clares were content in the thirteenth century to make only the occasional grant, but they were insistent on maintaining their rights of patronage. In addition, their interest turned to the new orders of friars. There is, however, no indication here of continuous family interest from one generation to the next as would have been the case in the early twelfth century.

The Family and the Feudal System in Twelfth Century England

Speculum ◽  
1960 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney Painter
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The Family

The Safavids

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
The West ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
External Threats ◽  
The Family ◽  
Imperial Capital ◽  
Architectural Patronage ◽  
Landed Gentry

The Safavids (1501–1722) controlled a land-based empire that comprised the modern-day nation of Iran, with extensions into Iraq, the Caucasus, and Afghanistan. The family of the Safavids originated as Sufi mystical sheikhs based in the region of Azerbaijan but were later imperialized thanks to the dynastic founder, Shah Ismaʿil (r. 1501–1524). The transition from Sufi tariqa to imperial polity was not smooth, and Ismaʿil faced external threats from the Ottoman Empire to the west, as well as internal pressure from his popular base, the Qizilbash tribal Turks who revered their shah as both a Sufi sheikh as well as a manifestation of the millenarian figure Mahdi who was popularly understood as the Muslim agent of the Apocalypse. The success of the Safavids was partly based on their ability to distance their family from such decentralized, tribal elements and seek out those constituencies that could help with regard to establishing and building legitimacy: orthodox Twelver Shiʿite jurists and scholars as well as urban Persian administrators and bureaucrats. It was Ismaʿil and his successor, Shah Tahmasp (r. 1524–1576), who proclaimed and enforced Twelver Shiʿism as the new state doctrine, thus contributing to a stark Sunni-Shiʿite division between themselves and their neighboring rival empires of the Ottomans and the Uzbeks. The apogee of the Safavid Empire took place during the reign of Shah ʿAbbas (r. 1589–1629) who, among other things, transformed Isfahan into a city of international stature with fantastic architectural patronage while at the same time enticing European merchants and traders to trade in textiles, silk, and other manufactured goods. Following the reign of Shah ʿAbbas, the Safavid Empire became less stable and more susceptible to outside elements, namely those Caucasian nobles and landed gentry who had been previously incorporated into the Safavid state as court officials, provincial governors, and ranking military officers. Concurrently, there was a rise in conservative orthodoxy among the Shiʿite religious scholars, and the previous era of open trade and strong international relations began to wane as Christians, Jews, and other minorities became increasingly targeted and persecuted. By the end of the 17th century, the Safavid court was politically isolated from the other provinces, so much so that the imperial capital was easily besieged and conquered in 1722 by an invading conglomerate of Afghan tribes.

August 9 — the day of the Great Martyr Panteleimon, the holy healer

2021 ◽  
pp. 78-80
Author(s):  
Oksana Aleksandrovna Rybachok
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The Body ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Young Doctor ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Orthodox Christian ◽  
Christian Churches ◽  
The Family ◽  
The City

On August 9, Orthodox Christian churches celebrate the day of remembrance of one of the most revered saints - the Great Martyr Panteleimon. Panteleimon the healer - under this name we know the saint who provides all kinds of support to doctors and contributes to the recovery of the sick. His veneration in the Russian Orthodox Church dates back to the twelfth century, when Prince Izyaslav placed the image of Panteleimon on his battle helmet. Born into the family of a noble pagan, the young man lost his mother early and was raised by his father, who decided to teach his son the art of healing. Having met the Christian Ermolai, who was in exile and guarded the secret of his religion, the young doctor was baptized. This happened after seeing the body of a dead boy bitten by a snake on the street of the city, whom Panteleimon was able to bring back to life by the power of prayer.

I. Gregorian Reform in Action: Clerical Marriage in England, 1050–1200

1956 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. N. L. Brooke
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
Family Life ◽  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Modest Proposal ◽  
The Family ◽  
The World ◽  
Divine Origin ◽  
Gregorian Reform

Few men have ever shown a more sublime faith in the divine origin of their mission than the papal reformers of the eleventh century. They set to work with a ‘modest proposal’ to destroy two of the most intimate and powerful foundations of clerical society: they aimed to abolish simony and with it the lay control of patronage; they tried to destroy the family life of the clergy. From one point of view they were doing only what every policeman does—they were trying to enforce the established law. From another point of view their platform was a devastating social revolution. If we may admire the high idealism of Leo IX, Humbert, Hildebrand and Peter Damian, we must also concede that their work had many victims; the legislation of the eleventh-century Popes on clerical marriage must have produced as many broken homes and personal tragedies as the morals of Hollywood. Both Damian the ascetic and Heloise the deserted wife have a claim on our sympathy as historians; and both found their supporters in their own day. Between the unbending demand for the enforcement of celibacy and the view of the Anonymous of York that it was entirely proper for the clergy to be married there were many possible positions. The Anonymous (writing at the turn of the eleventh and twelfth centuries) was propounding opinions already obsolescent; and clerical marriage found few defenders in the middle and late twelfth century. But if the field narrowed, the subtleties of the problem were more fully appreciated. The twelfth century was an age of growing sophistication in lay circles as well as clerical. Nowhere was this more true than in the world of love and of marriage; in that century (whatever the lot of womankind as a whole) the romantic ideal was born, under whose spell we still live. It is the variety and the subtlety of the view-points which give my subject its interest, and also its intractability. Clerical marriage is an exceedingly delicate topic, though it has not always been delicately treated.

I Charters of the Earldom of Hereford, 1095–1201

1964 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Walker
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The Core ◽  
Three Generations ◽  
The North ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Cost

Some years ago I made a study of the earldom of Hereford in the twelfth century. The material for this consisted principally of a collection of some three hundred charters: some were issued by the earls of Hereford and other members of their family, some by their tenants, others by the crown and by leading ecclesiastics, notably the bishops of Worcester and Hereford. My impression then was that this formed an interesting collection of charters, comparable with some of the collections which have been made from the North of England, though much more modest in scale and interest. Perhaps as much as half of this material was already available in print, and the cost of printing prohibited what might otherwise have been advantageous, the publication of all the texts in full. The core of these charters was made up of charters issued by the earls of Hereford and their family, and it is this group of charters, issued by three generations of the Gloucester family, which is now published here. Those already available in print have been listed, but not reprinted. Those hitherto unpublished have been printed in full. Charters nos 1–58 were issued by Earl Miles or his son Earl Roger. Nos 59–124 were issued by other members of the family: four were issued by Walter of Gloucester the constable, father of Earl Miles; five were issued by Cecily, wife of Earl Roger; the remainder were issued by the surviving sons of Earl Miles, Walter, Henry and Mahel, each of whom succeeded to the family's estates between 1155 and 1165, and by their sisters, Margaret de Bohun and Lucy fitz Herbert.

Non-Alienation Clauses in Thirteenth-Century English Charters

1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Scott L. Waugh
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
Long Line ◽  
The Family ◽  
Magna Carta ◽  
Royal Courts ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Church

During the thirteenth century, English lords acted to halt the deterioration of their feudal powers brought about by social and legal changes at the end of the twelfth century. Their determination produced a long line of legislation on feudal incidents, mortmain, and subinfeudation that stretched from Magna Carta to the Statute of Quia Emptores in 1290. Yet, until that legislation was finally in place, landlords had to find other methods of maintaining their lordship over free tenures. Professor Donald Sutherland, for example, has shown that lords asserted “a new authority to take into their hands the holdings of their free tenants if the tenants attempted to alienate the holdings in ways that prejudiced the lord's rights.” Lords also used conditional grants to restrict alienation, and beginning in the early thirteenth century, they played an important role in the effort to reassert tenurial lordship. Conditional grants have been studied primarily in the context of the family, which used them to create marriage portions, jointures, and entails. This study of a sampling of cartularies and charters, however, analyzes the different forms of restrictions on alienation in order to demonstrate how lords used the expanding remedies of the royal courts to reinforce their private lordship.The right to consent to a tenant's alienation of his holding had been an essential prop of lordship prior to Henry II's legal reforms. Through his consent, the lord could determine the acceptability of his tenants and ensure the adequate performance of services attached to the holdings. He also protected himself against a serious loss of resources through grants in alms to the Church or through dowries to women marrying out of his lordship. Seizure of the tenement was the sanction that lords used to enforce their rights of consent. If a tenant failed to obtain that consent, he lost his land.

scholarly journals Dioclea between Rascia and Byzantium in the first half of the twelfth century

2006 ◽  
pp. 451-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tibor Zivkovic
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Family Relations ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Middle Part ◽  
The Other ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Long Duration ◽  
The Family

The conflict between Rascia and Dioclea began in the reign of King Bodin of Dioclea (1081-1099) and it was brought to an end during the rule of Stephen Nemanja, Grand Zhupan of Serbia about 1185. The historical sources, primarily the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, give no indication of the causes of this conflict, nor do they explain why Byzantium found it necessary to intervene from time to time in Dioclea or Rascia. Although the family relations of the Rasican and Dioclean dynasties frequently provoked one state to interfere into the internal affairs of the other, they were certainly not the main generator of this century-long conflict. Since it was a process of long duration, it is quite likely that the main cause of the war between Rascia and Dioclea had to do with economic considerations, and the paper discusses this possibility. The rulers of Dioclea wanted to secure the raw materials for the maritime towns, primarily Cataro, which they had acquired around the middle of the eleventh century, and they sought to achieve that by conquest and the expansion of their influence in the inland regions ? in Travounia, Bosnia and Rascia. On the other hand, Serbia had become rapidly more powerful in the early twelfth century, and its rulers sought to impose their control on these maritime towns as nearest centres of commerce and production. During this contest, Byzantium interfered only when the geostrategic stability in the broader territory of the Balkan Peninsula seemed to be brought into question and when Dioclea or Rascia established closer links with the Venetians, Hungarians or Normans, thus jeopardizing its interests. Byzantium looked upon Rascia and Dioclea as its western outposts and was therefore anxious to have a reliable ruler in Rascia, so that it could control the Nis ? Branicevo ? Belgrade route to Hungary. Similarly, a dependable ruler in Doclea was a guarantor of the safety of the theme of Dyrrachion and of unimpeded communication with the remaining Byzantine possessions in the middle part of Dalmatia.

The Englefields and their Contribution to the Survival of the Faith in Berkshire, Wiltshire, Hampshire and Leicestershire

1951 ◽  
Vol 1 (02) ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
T.B. Trappes-Lomax
Keyword(s):  
Twelfth Century ◽  
South West ◽  
The Family

The original home of the family was at Englefield House (1) in the parish of Englefield, five and a half miles South-West of Reading. It had been in the family’s possession from at least as early as the middle of the twelfth century. When Elizabeth came to the throne it was the property of Sir Francis Englefield (2) who left the country, never to return, in April 1559, having settled Englefield on his brother John. John died in 1567 and was succeeded by his son Sir Francis Englefield, 1st Baronet, who survived to 1631, though his ownership of Englefield ceased in 1586 on its forfeiture to the Crown. This was the culminating act in a long dispute with the Crown which had begun with its sequestration in 1563.

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