Postracial Justice and the Trope of the “Race Riot”

Author(s):  
Jennifer Heusel

This chapter examines the trope of “race riot” as a rhetorical strategy in news media that disciplines race-conscious protest. Adopting a rhetorical genealogy inspired by Michel Foucault, the analysis reads together the news reports about the 1906 riots in Atlanta, Georgia and the 2014 unrest in Ferguson, Missouri. The century dividing these two events may seem too distant, but is necessary in order to identify the legacies of state-sponsored white supremacy that continue to shape expressions of “justice” in the United States. Although white supremacy is generally understood as no longer relevant, racial violence against people of color remains legitimate while exercised by those enforcing law and order. Attention on two racial-antagonistic events divided by a century can assist in highlighting the discursive legacies of state-sponsored white supremacy. The chapter concludes with contemplation on postracial justice, or the expression of justice that is assumed to be beyond the influence of race.

2020 ◽  
pp. 757-774
Author(s):  
Jennifer Heusel

This chapter examines the trope of “race riot” as a rhetorical strategy in news media that disciplines race-conscious protest. Adopting a rhetorical genealogy inspired by Michel Foucault, the analysis reads together the news reports about the 1906 riots in Atlanta, Georgia and the 2014 unrest in Ferguson, Missouri. The century dividing these two events may seem too distant, but is necessary in order to identify the legacies of state-sponsored white supremacy that continue to shape expressions of “justice” in the United States. Although white supremacy is generally understood as no longer relevant, racial violence against people of color remains legitimate while exercised by those enforcing law and order. Attention on two racial-antagonistic events divided by a century can assist in highlighting the discursive legacies of state-sponsored white supremacy. The chapter concludes with contemplation on postracial justice, or the expression of justice that is assumed to be beyond the influence of race.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yulin Hswen ◽  
Amanda Zhang ◽  
Clark Freifeld ◽  
John S Brownstein

BACKGROUND News media coverage is a powerful influence on public attitude and government action. The digitization of news media covering the current opioid epidemic has changed the landscape of coverage and may have implications for how to effectively respond to the opioid crisis. OBJECTIVE This study aims to characterize the relationship between volume of online opioid news reporting and opioid-related deaths in the United States and how these measures differ across geographic and socioeconomic county-level factors. METHODS Online news reports from February 2018 to April 2019 on opioid-related events in the United States were extracted from Google News. News data were aggregated at the county level and compared against opioid-related death counts. Ordinary least squares regression was used to model opioid-related death rate and opioid news coverage with the inclusion of socioeconomic and geographic explanatory variables. RESULTS A total of 35,758 relevant news reports were collected representing 1789 counties. Regression analysis revealed that opioid-related death rate was positively associated with news reporting. However, opioid-related death rate and news reporting volume showed opposite correlations with educational attainment and rurality. When controlling for variation in death rate, counties in the Northeast were overrepresented by news coverage. CONCLUSIONS Our results suggest that regional variation in the volume of opioid-related news reporting does not reflect regional variation in opioid-related death rate. Differences in the amount of media attention may influence perceptions of the severity of opioid epidemic. Future studies should investigate the influence of media reporting on public support and action on opioid issues.


Author(s):  
Simon Wendt

This chapter probes the organization’s peculiar fascination with American Indians and its various efforts to commemorate white-Indian friendship and Indian patriotism. It also looks at the close connections between the Daughters’ interpretations of Native American pasts and the DAR’s attempts to improve Indians’ lives in the present. By sanitizing and romanticizing America’s history of racial violence and colonial conquest, the Daughters justified white nation-building and white supremacy while further consolidating notions of Anglo-Saxon whiteness. Daughters across the nation commemorated what they regarded as cordial collaboration between the two groups, loyal Indian support during America’s wars, and Indians’ ostensible willingness to cede their ancestral homelands to the United States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/3) ◽  
pp. 396-420
Author(s):  
Sameena Azhar ◽  
Kendra P. DeLoach McCutcheon

In this article, we seek to highlight the ways in which we, as two female social work faculty members whose racial/ethnic identities fall into the categories of Black, Indigenous, and other People of Color (BIPOC), have experienced racism and White supremacy within predominantly White institutions in the United States. We seek to clarify that these experiences are not unique to any particular institution or university, but rather reflect systemic racism and the upholding of White supremacy in higher education in social work throughout the United States. We highlight the differential vulnerability faced by BIPOC women in academia, which are often unaddressed in the pursuit of what is seen to be an egalitarian or colorblind merit review. Bearing in mind our reflexivity on our positionalities, we share personal narratives regarding our own marginalization within White spaces and the emotional labor that we are often asked to carry for the institutions within which we work. We will elucidate experiences of tokenization or assumed intellectual inferiority by our peers. Given the current sociopolitical moment and the heightened awareness of diversity, equity and inclusion efforts within universities, we also reflect on how institutions of higher education, and particularly schools of social work, can move beyond simply hiring more people of color or conducting diversity trainings to ensuring that BIPOC women are more fully included in their roles within universities as faculty, administrators, staff and students.


10.2196/17693 ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (7) ◽  
pp. e17693
Author(s):  
Yulin Hswen ◽  
Amanda Zhang ◽  
Clark Freifeld ◽  
John S Brownstein

Background News media coverage is a powerful influence on public attitude and government action. The digitization of news media covering the current opioid epidemic has changed the landscape of coverage and may have implications for how to effectively respond to the opioid crisis. Objective This study aims to characterize the relationship between volume of online opioid news reporting and opioid-related deaths in the United States and how these measures differ across geographic and socioeconomic county-level factors. Methods Online news reports from February 2018 to April 2019 on opioid-related events in the United States were extracted from Google News. News data were aggregated at the county level and compared against opioid-related death counts. Ordinary least squares regression was used to model opioid-related death rate and opioid news coverage with the inclusion of socioeconomic and geographic explanatory variables. Results A total of 35,758 relevant news reports were collected representing 1789 counties. Regression analysis revealed that opioid-related death rate was positively associated with news reporting. However, opioid-related death rate and news reporting volume showed opposite correlations with educational attainment and rurality. When controlling for variation in death rate, counties in the Northeast were overrepresented by news coverage. Conclusions Our results suggest that regional variation in the volume of opioid-related news reporting does not reflect regional variation in opioid-related death rate. Differences in the amount of media attention may influence perceptions of the severity of opioid epidemic. Future studies should investigate the influence of media reporting on public support and action on opioid issues.


2021 ◽  
pp. 251484862098736
Author(s):  
Dean Hardy ◽  
Nik Heynen

The history of land struggles in the United States demonstrates how ongoing patterns of uneven development depend upon and codify the legacies of white supremacy. In this article, we show how the histories of white supremacy continue to be embedded and institutionalized into contemporary land and property politics through the processes of racialized uneven development using the case of Sapelo Island, Georgia. We trace the history of property relations on Sapelo over four periods (covering 1802–2020) to reveal how Black, Saltwater Geechee descendants’ presence on the island has persisted despite manifold attempts to manipulate, control, and dispossess families of their land. We re-interpret Sapelo’s history through the lens of abolition ecology to articulate how the struggle for life through land consistently runs up against state-sanctioned racial violence, which perpetuates and institutionalizes systemic racialized uneven development. We argue that the “racial state” is facilitating the dispossession of Geechee cultural heritage, which lies in having access to and ownership of the land and requires new political imaginaries to combat the persistence of these tactics.


Author(s):  
Cheryl Teelucksingh

On August 12, 2017, in Charlottesville, Virginia, alt-right/White supremacy groups and Black Lives Matter (BLM) supporters came face-to-face regarding what to do about public monuments that celebrate key figures from slavery and the Jim Crow era. White supremacists and White nationalists did not hide their racist ideologies as they demanded that their privileged place in history not be erased. The BLM movement, which challenges state-sanctioned anti-Black racism, was ready to confront themes of White discontent and reverse racism, critiques of political correctness, and the assumption that racialized people should know their place and be content to be the subordinate other.It is easy to frame the events in Charlottesville as indicative of US-specific race problems. However, a sense that White spaces should prevail and an ongoing history of anti-Black racism are not unique to the United States. The rise of Canadian activism under the BLM banner also signals a movement to change Canadian forms of institutional racism in policing, education, and the labor market. This article responds to perceptions that the BLM movement has given insufficient attention to environmental concerns (Pellow 2016; Halpern 2017). Drawing on critical race theory as a conceptual tool, this article focuses on the Canadian context as part of the author’s argument in favor of greater collaboration between BLM and the environmental justice (EJ) movement in Canada. This article also engages with the common stereotype that Blacks in Canada have it better than Blacks in the United States.


Author(s):  
Paul M. Renfro

Starting in the late 1970s, a moral panic concerning child kidnapping and exploitation gripped the United States. For many Americans, a series of high-profile cases of missing and murdered children, publicized through an emergent twenty-four-hour news cycle, signaled a “national epidemic” of child abductions perpetrated by strangers. Some observers insisted that fifty thousand or more children fell victim to stranger kidnappings in any given year. (The actual figure was and remains about one hundred.) Stranger Danger demonstrates how racialized and sexualized fears of stranger abduction—stoked by the news media, politicians from across the partisan divide, bereaved parents, and the business sector—helped to underwrite broader transformations in US political culture and political economy. Specifically, the child kidnapping scare further legitimated a bipartisan investment in “family values” and “law and order,” thereby enabling the development and expansion of sex offender registries, AMBER Alerts, and other mechanisms designed to safeguard young Americans and their families from “stranger danger”—and to punish the strangers who supposedly threatened them.


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Araceli Orozco-Figueroa

Recently, Black, Indigenous, and other People of Color (BIPOC) have encountered an escalation in adverse social conditions and trauma events in the United States. For individuals of Mexican ancestry in the United States (IMA-US), these recent events represent the latest chapter in their history of adversity: a history that can help us understand their social and health disparities. This paper utilized a scoping review to provide a historical and interdisciplinary perspective on discussions of mental health and substance use disorders relevant to IMA-US. The scoping review process yielded 16 peer reviewed sources from various disciplines, published from 1998 through 2018. Major themes included historically traumatic events, inter-generational responses to historical trauma, and vehicles of transmission of trauma narratives. Recommendations for healing from historical and contemporary oppression are discussed. This review expands the clinical baseline knowledge relevant to the diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of contemporary traumatic exposures for IMA-US.


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