Violent Extremism and the Politics of Education in Pakistan

2022 ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Zahid Ullah

Pakistan is depicted as a victim as well as a sponsor of terrorism. The reason behind this characterisation is that Pakistan, since its inception in 1947, has experienced multifaceted violence, ranging from ethnic insurgencies to sectarian violence. At the same time, it has been blamed for fomenting violence in its neighbours. On the one hand, there have been anti-terrorism laws in place since the late 1990s; on the other, there is an Islamised public sphere that provides fecund soil for violent extremists to thrive. The questions to be addressed here are: What kinds of anti-terrorism laws exist in Pakistan and how effective are they against terrorism? What is the role of the state-managed curriculum in providing a conducive environment for the growth of violent extremism? This research appeals to the “garrison state” theory, which explains how “the specialists on violence” control every aspect of the state, complemented by the concept of “fragmented hegemony,” which explains how the seemingly corrupt multiple sites of power help the state maintain its hegemony over society.

2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques P. Leider

What these four quite different books broadly share is a focus on the role of the state in Myanmar society. Current scholarship describes the authoritarian state in Myanmar, which has been controlled by the army since 1962, as either dominantly present or neglectfully absent. Censorship and the repression of autonomous spaces in society, on the one hand, and the failure of the state to enforce efficient health and environmental policies, on the other, are keywords in these works that illustrate the double-faced appearance of the state's existence and role in society.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrin Maier ◽  
Simon Coleman

AbstractWe explore the tensions evident among Nigerian Pentecostals in London between social and ideological insularity on the one hand, and a more outward-oriented, expansive orientation on the other. Analysis of these stances is complemented by the exploration of believers' actions within a material but also metaphorical arena that we term “London-Lagos.” Such themes are developed specifically through a focus on believers' relations with Nigerian and British state systems in relation to child-rearing—an activity that renders parents sometimes dangerously visible to apparatuses of the state but also raises key dilemmas concerning the proper and moral location of socialisation into Christian values. We show how such dilemmas are embodied in a play, written by a Nigerian Pentecostalist, termed “The Vine-Keepers.”


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Poinsot

The emergence of railroads in France in the nineteenth century raised new debates on analytical issues. The issue lies in the fact that they are natural monopolies. In this paper, I focus on Jules Dupuit’s work on the operations of the railroads. Curiously, he seemed to have defended two contrasting positions: on the one hand, he claimed that unlimited competition is the most efficient way to operate in the railroads; on the other, he stated that State management was the best way to run them. I aim to restore the consistency of Dupuit’s positions. I show that, for him, unlimited competition is not possible in the railroads and that it is not necessarily good for the welfare of society. Therefore, the State should regulate this sector. Then, I specify the conditions under which Dupuit believed the State should manage the railroads instead of offering concessions to private companies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Muhammad Dawam Rahardjo

ABSTRACT: The question of the role of religion in the public sphere of politics is because of its history, the three monotheist religions, which is also called the Abrahamic religions. Judaism, Christianity and Islam, and even Hinduism and Buddhism, in maintaining their existences and developments, always get into and even form their own power in a country. Indonesia is a secular nation state, which is not based on any particular religion as a political ideology, and yet its people are multi-religious. Even though the country is not based on religion, but religion has become a source of inspiration in its constitution, namely UUD (Undang Undang Dasar) 1945. On the one hand, people and the state are in unity for mutual support or mutual need. The state cannot be formed without people as its base. On the other hand, people need the state to protect the society. Constitution is needed to control the state and its leader. On the one hand this constitution curbs the power of its leader; and on the other hand it guarantees the fulfillment and the protection of civil rights that stem from human rights. The triangle of these institutions is a reality in the current modern world, especially in Indonesia, where religion has an important role, even though in Europe the stand and the role of religion is in the declining stage due to secularization and secularism principle. Yet the relationship of these three institutions in the current modern context cause a complex issues related to the boundaries of these three institutions. What are the principles that can continuously connects these three so that justice as the main principle can be uphold between the triangle of society, state and religion?KEY WORDS: religion, public sphere, nation, civil rights, human rights


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-66
Author(s):  
Joyce Valdovinos

The provision of water services has traditionally been considered a responsibility of the state. During the late 1980s, the private sector emerged as a key actor in the provision of public services. Mexico City was no exception to this trend and public authorities awarded service contracts to four private consortia in 1993. Through consideration of this case study, two main questions arise: First, why do public authorities establish partnerships with the private sector? Second, what are the implications of these partnerships for water governance? This article focuses, on the one hand, on the conceptual debate of water as a public and/or private good, while identifying new trends and strategies carried out by private operators. On the other hand, it analyzes the role of the state and its relationships with other actors through a governance model characterized by partnerships and multilevel networks.Spanish La provisión del servicio del agua ha sido tradicionalmente considerada como una responsabilidad del Estado. A finales de la década de 1980, el sector privado emerge como un actor clave en el suministro de servicios públicos. La ciudad de México no escapa a esta tendencia y en 1993 las autoridades públicas firman contratos de servicios con cuatro consorcios privados. A través de este estudio de caso, dos preguntas son planteadas: ¿Por qué las autoridades públicas establecen partenariados con el sector privado? ¿Cuáles son las implicaciones de dichos partenariados en la gobernanza del agua? Este artículo aborda por una parte, el debate conceptual del agua como bien público y/o privado, identificando nuevas tendencias y estrategias de los operadores privados. Por otra parte, se analizan el rol y las relaciones del Estado con otros actores a través de un modelo de gobernanza, definido en términos de partenariados y redes multi-niveles.French Les services de l'eau ont été traditionnellement considérés comme une responsabilité de l'État. À la fin des années 1980, le secteur privé est apparu comme un acteur clé dans la fourniture de certains services publics. La ville de Mexico n'a pas échappé à cette tendance et en 1993, les autorités publiques ont signé des contrats de services avec quatre consortiums privés. À travers cette étude de cas, nous nous interrogerons sur deux aspects : pourquoi les autorités publiques établissentelles des partenariats avec le secteur privé ? Quelles sont les implications de ces partenariats sur la gouvernance de l'eau ? Cet article s'intéresse, d'une part, au débat conceptuel sur l'eau en tant que bien public et/ou privé, en identifiant les tendances nouvelles et les stratégies menées par les opérateurs privés. D'autre part y sont analysés le rôle de l'État et ses relations avec d'autres acteurs à travers un modèle de gouvernance, défini en termes de partenariats, et des réseaux multi-niveaux.


Yurispruden ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Arasy Pradana A Azis

ABSTRACTThe Reformation then became a momentum for improving the issues of upholding human rights in Indonesia, where human rights matters formally entered into the division of power. On the one hand, for the first time, a ministry was formed specifically to deal with human rights matters. While outside the executive body, Law No. 39 of 1999 strengthens the position of the National Commission of Human Rights which has actually been established since 1993. This phenomenon then raises a problem statement, on how bureaucratization of human rights after Reformation is manifested through the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission and the Ministry of Human Rights. It was found that each institution gained legitimacy from political dynamics in a more democratic public space. Between the state ministries for human rights and the National Commission of Human Rights, the principle of check and balances was carried out in their role as an organ of the Indonesian bureaucracy. On the one hand, the state minister for human rights is an extension of the executive's hand in managing human rights matters. As a counterweight, the National Human Rights Commission carries out the role of the state auxiliary bodies to monitor the government’s human rights work.Keywords:    Politic of Law, Bureaucratization, Human Rigths, Ministry of Law and Human Rights Affairs, National Commission of Human Rights. ABSTRAKPeristiwa Reformasi menjadi momentum perbaikan urusan penegakan HAM di Indonesia, di mana urusan HAM secara formal masuk ke dalam pembagian kekuasaan negara. Di satu sisi, untuk pertama kalinya dibentuk satu kementerian yang secara khusus menangani urusan HAM. Sementara di luar lembaga eksekutif, Undang-Undang Nomor 39 Tahun 1999 menguatkan kedudukan Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia yang sejatinya telah terbentuk sejak tahun 1993. Fenomena ini kemudian menimbulkan satu rumusan permasalahan, yaitu bagaimana birokratisasi urusan HAM pasca reformasi termanifestasi melalui pembentukan Komnas HAM dan kementerian urusan HAM. Ditemukan bahwa masing-masing lembaga memperoleh legitimasi dari dinamika politik di ruang publik yang lebih demokratis. Antara kementerian negara urusan HAM dan Komnas HAM kemudian menjalankan prinsip check and balances dalam menjalankan perannya sebagai organ birokrasi Indonesia. Di satu sisi, kementerian negara urusan HAM merupakan perpanjangan tangan eksekutif untuk mengurus urusan HAM. Sebagai penyeimbang, Komnas HAM menjalankan peran sebagai state auxiliary bodies guna mengawasi kinerja HAM pemerintah.Kata Kunci: Politik Hukum, Birokratisasi, Hak Asasi Manusia, Kementerian Urusan HAM, Komnas HAM.


Author(s):  
Montserrat Escribano Cárcel

RESUMENEste artículo se acerca al papel público que las religiones desempeñan en las democracias. Para ello es necesario que cultiven un doble afán. El primero, que mira hacia el exterior y sitúa a la religión católica entre el resto de esferas que definen nuestras sociedades plurales. El artículo cuestiona la tarea ética que puede ejercer esta tradición religiosa y que ha de reforzar el marco democrático en el que todas estas esferas se incluyen. El segundo, que mira hacia el interior de esta religión y ocupa la mayor parte de este artículo, gira en torno a la teología feminista desarrollada por Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza. Su sentido crítico está transformando la identidad de los y las creyentes, los horizontes comprensivos religiosos y puede ayudar así a reforzar el papel de las democracias.PALABRAS CLAVERELIGIÓN, ESPACIO PÚBLICO, DELIBERACIÓN, HERMENÉUTICA CRÍTICA Y TEOLOGÍA FEMINISTA CRÍTICA.ABSTRACTThis article approaches the public part religions play in democracies. On the one hand, the Catholic religion has to be set amidst the rest of the spheres, which define our plural societies. In this first part, we will try to evaluate how the Catholic religion helps reinforcing the democratic frame in which it evolves. On the other hand, the largest part of this article will be devoted to the Catholic feminist theology developed by Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza not only as a means of changing the identity of believers and their understanding religious horizons, but also as a way of strengthening the role of democracies.KEYWORDSRELIGION, PUBLIC SPHERE, DELIBERATION, CRITICAL HERMENEUTICS AND CRITICAL FEMINIST THEOLOGY


Author(s):  
V.I. Semenova ◽  
◽  
M.F. Fridman ◽  

This article is devoted to the most important issue of ensuring an innovative breakthrough in socio-economic development in the conditions of information and economic confrontation. Today, humanity is entering an era of a fundamentally different system of social relations, values and meanings. The emergence of a multipolar world model increases the competition of developed countries, on the one hand, and weakens the role of the state in society, on the other. Economic sanctions significantly hinder innovative development, so the state, as one of the main social institutions, still needs qualitatively new, more productive, innovative solutions, the emergence and implementation of which is impossible without appropriate personnel: researchers, analysts, developers, managers and workers.


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